In book 10 chapter 15 of his sixth century Historia Francorum (History of the Franks) - which chronicles the emergence of the Merovingian kingdom of Francia from the collapse of the Western Roman Empire - St. Gregory of Tours narrates his first-hand account of a rebellion staged by two Frankish princesses, Basina and Clotilda.
The princesses of the House of Clovis had been forced into a nunnery and decided to lead their sisters in an armed uprising against the abbess of Holy Cross in Poitiers. Clotilda was thought to have announced her uprising at the convent with the declaration: "I am going to my royal kin so they will know of our indignity, for here we are abased. I am treated not as the daughter of a king but as the spawn of filthy slave girls."
Whilst this story is tantalizing enough in itself to make an episode of Game of Thrones or House of the Dragon look positively tame, my interest in this thread is on one very specific incident that occured in the final stages of the revolt, when the two princesses were tried before an ecclesiastical court in which Gregory of Tours, as a bishop, himself presided. During their trial, the rebel princesses claimed that their abbess, Leubovera, had allowed strange men to enter the abbey and knock up their fellow nuns, and that the abbess had herself castrated a man and kept him in the convent under a female identity, as a sexual companion. This eunuch had thus lived much of her life as a woman.
Gregory writes:
Internet History Sourcebooks
This account is a fascinating insight into the life of a 'transwoman' (as we would call her, if anachronistically, today) living in late antiquity, in Merovingian France. Its interesting because St. Gregory describes a person assigned male at birth, who is castrated for medical reasons by a physician trained in Constantinople in the Byzantine Empire, and then chooses to live her life as a woman. As one historian has noted: "The story of this figure is exceptional, appearing without challenge or judgment, given that the eunuch’s revelation serves to vindicate a falsely accused religious figure".
The church tribunal led by St. Gregory proves the innocence of the abbess and vindicates this transwoman/eunuch's testimony that she did not personally know the abbess and lived many miles from Poitiers by bringing forward the corroborating expert evidence of the physician who castrated her when she was a male child, before assuming her new gender identity.
The transwoman eunuch then disappears from the narrative. Her castration and decision to live the rest of her life dressed as, and identifying as, a woman is not judged, condemned or even commented upon by the trial bishops. This suggests that this transwoman eunuch could not have been the only one and that the church of the time did not view this kind of 'gender identity' as illicit or improper, even though we see quite clearly that Princess Clothild was prejudiced against eunuchs like her who chose to live post-castration as women and we find her openly 'misgendering' (to use the modern word) this transwoman before the court. Yet the church court takes the side of the transwoman eunuch and corroborates her defence against Clothild's accusations.
This account demands that we reasses our own prejudices and assumptions about medieval Christendom's approaches to sexuality and gender identity, without being anachronistic and imputing modern understandings onto the past but recognising that previous civilisation's accomodated tranagendered / gender non-conforming individuals into their society in their own way.
As the historian Roland Bentancourt explains: "In my current research, I have been looking at how saints’ lives, medical handbooks, letters, and art are articulate and self-aware about the various ways in which gender identity can be affirmed through both ascetic and surgical practices". Further in his book, Byzantine Intersectionality: Sexuality, Gender and Race in the Middle Ages (2020), Bentancourt makes clear the medieval Eastern Roman Empire based in Constantinople was "an immensely gender-diverse empire with exceptionally complex approaches to gender [...] medieval writers, philosophers, theologians and doctors studied what we may think of today as modern issues including trans and nonbinary gender identities."
A famous 'transgender' life from the medieval period, indeed a celebrity of this era of Christendom, was the Coptic monk St. Hilarion. He was born female, according to legend the daughter of the Eastern Roman Emperor Zeno in the fifth century AD:
Legend of Hilaria - Wikipedia
See:
Despite extensive late antique prohibitions against women dressing as men, such as in the canons of the Council of Gangra in 345, in the Council of Trullo in 692, or even in Deutoronomy 22:5, these saints were venerated with due respect, demonstrating that even legal or Old Testament prohibitions did not impede the space for their worship and praise.
The potent transformations of the body as well cannot be disregarded, as these stories sought eloquently to describe how the saints’ secondary sex characteristics changed throughout their lives, detailing (as described above) the withering of breasts and the ceasing of menstruation"
This latter detail is repeated in the story of another trans monk, Anastasius, which explicitly tells us that as a brother was dressing him after his death, the brother “saw that on his chest he had women’s breasts, looking like two shriveled up leaves,” a detail preserved verbatim in both the Syriac and Greek versions of the text.
(continued...)
The princesses of the House of Clovis had been forced into a nunnery and decided to lead their sisters in an armed uprising against the abbess of Holy Cross in Poitiers. Clotilda was thought to have announced her uprising at the convent with the declaration: "I am going to my royal kin so they will know of our indignity, for here we are abased. I am treated not as the daughter of a king but as the spawn of filthy slave girls."
Whilst this story is tantalizing enough in itself to make an episode of Game of Thrones or House of the Dragon look positively tame, my interest in this thread is on one very specific incident that occured in the final stages of the revolt, when the two princesses were tried before an ecclesiastical court in which Gregory of Tours, as a bishop, himself presided. During their trial, the rebel princesses claimed that their abbess, Leubovera, had allowed strange men to enter the abbey and knock up their fellow nuns, and that the abbess had herself castrated a man and kept him in the convent under a female identity, as a sexual companion. This eunuch had thus lived much of her life as a woman.
Gregory writes:
Internet History Sourcebooks
Then the bishops who were present sat on the tribunal of the church, and Chrodield appeared and gave vent to much abuse of the abbess and many charges, asserting that she had a man in the monastery who wore woman's clothes and was treated as a woman although he had been very clearly shown to be a man, and that he was in constant attendance on the abbess herself, and she pointed her finger at him and said: "There he is himself."
And when this man had taken the stand before all in woman's clothes, as I have stated, he said that he was impotent and therefore had put these clothes on; but he did not know the abbess except by name and he asserted that had never seen her or spoken with her, as he lived more than forty miles from the city of Poitiers.
Then as she had not proved the abbess guilty of this crime, she added: "What holiness is there in this abbess who makes men eunuchs and orders them to live with her as if she were an empress." The abbess, being questioned, replied that she knew nothing of this matter.
Meantime when Chrodield had given the name of the man who was a eunuch, Reoval, the chief physician, appeared and said: "This man when he was a child was diseased in the thigh and was so ill that his life was despaired of ; his mother went to the holy Radegunda to request that he should have some attention. But she called me and bade me give what assistance I could. Then I castrated him in the way I had once seen physicians do in Constantinople, and restored the boy in good health to his sorrowing mother; I am sure the abbess knows nothing of this matter."
Now when Chrodield had failed to prove the abbess guilty on this charge also, she began fiercely to make others
And when this man had taken the stand before all in woman's clothes, as I have stated, he said that he was impotent and therefore had put these clothes on; but he did not know the abbess except by name and he asserted that had never seen her or spoken with her, as he lived more than forty miles from the city of Poitiers.
Then as she had not proved the abbess guilty of this crime, she added: "What holiness is there in this abbess who makes men eunuchs and orders them to live with her as if she were an empress." The abbess, being questioned, replied that she knew nothing of this matter.
Meantime when Chrodield had given the name of the man who was a eunuch, Reoval, the chief physician, appeared and said: "This man when he was a child was diseased in the thigh and was so ill that his life was despaired of ; his mother went to the holy Radegunda to request that he should have some attention. But she called me and bade me give what assistance I could. Then I castrated him in the way I had once seen physicians do in Constantinople, and restored the boy in good health to his sorrowing mother; I am sure the abbess knows nothing of this matter."
Now when Chrodield had failed to prove the abbess guilty on this charge also, she began fiercely to make others
This account is a fascinating insight into the life of a 'transwoman' (as we would call her, if anachronistically, today) living in late antiquity, in Merovingian France. Its interesting because St. Gregory describes a person assigned male at birth, who is castrated for medical reasons by a physician trained in Constantinople in the Byzantine Empire, and then chooses to live her life as a woman. As one historian has noted: "The story of this figure is exceptional, appearing without challenge or judgment, given that the eunuch’s revelation serves to vindicate a falsely accused religious figure".
The church tribunal led by St. Gregory proves the innocence of the abbess and vindicates this transwoman/eunuch's testimony that she did not personally know the abbess and lived many miles from Poitiers by bringing forward the corroborating expert evidence of the physician who castrated her when she was a male child, before assuming her new gender identity.
The transwoman eunuch then disappears from the narrative. Her castration and decision to live the rest of her life dressed as, and identifying as, a woman is not judged, condemned or even commented upon by the trial bishops. This suggests that this transwoman eunuch could not have been the only one and that the church of the time did not view this kind of 'gender identity' as illicit or improper, even though we see quite clearly that Princess Clothild was prejudiced against eunuchs like her who chose to live post-castration as women and we find her openly 'misgendering' (to use the modern word) this transwoman before the court. Yet the church court takes the side of the transwoman eunuch and corroborates her defence against Clothild's accusations.
This account demands that we reasses our own prejudices and assumptions about medieval Christendom's approaches to sexuality and gender identity, without being anachronistic and imputing modern understandings onto the past but recognising that previous civilisation's accomodated tranagendered / gender non-conforming individuals into their society in their own way.
As the historian Roland Bentancourt explains: "In my current research, I have been looking at how saints’ lives, medical handbooks, letters, and art are articulate and self-aware about the various ways in which gender identity can be affirmed through both ascetic and surgical practices". Further in his book, Byzantine Intersectionality: Sexuality, Gender and Race in the Middle Ages (2020), Bentancourt makes clear the medieval Eastern Roman Empire based in Constantinople was "an immensely gender-diverse empire with exceptionally complex approaches to gender [...] medieval writers, philosophers, theologians and doctors studied what we may think of today as modern issues including trans and nonbinary gender identities."
A famous 'transgender' life from the medieval period, indeed a celebrity of this era of Christendom, was the Coptic monk St. Hilarion. He was born female, according to legend the daughter of the Eastern Roman Emperor Zeno in the fifth century AD:
Legend of Hilaria - Wikipedia
The Legend of Hilaria is a Coptic romance, possibly a Christian version of the pagan Tale of Bentresh. It was written between the 6th and 9th centuries AD. During the Middle Ages, it was translated into Syriac, Arabic and Ethiopic. It tells the tale of Hilaria, daughter of the Roman emperor Zeno, who disguised herself as a man to become a monk and later heals her sister of an ailment. The tale was incorporated into the synaxaries of the Oriental Orthodox churches, and Hilaria came to be celebrated as a saint.
See:
Centuries after the words of the Gospel of Thomas and Perpetua, saints like Hilarion, Marinos, Smaragdos, and Athanasios (to name but a few) became a central part of compilations of saints’ lives, icons, and illuminated manuscripts. But their narratives tell a very different story from that of the early Christian martyr who saw herself fully and truly male in a dream.
In the closing passages of the life of Hilarion, after many trials and tribulations, the holy man is visited by his long-estranged sister after nine year of living in isolation. The narrator’s words are strikingly poignant, as the text details the girl’s encounter with the person she once knew as her sister. Describing Hilarion with female pronouns and alternating between his gendered names, the author writes:
In the closing passages of the life of Hilarion, after many trials and tribulations, the holy man is visited by his long-estranged sister after nine year of living in isolation. The narrator’s words are strikingly poignant, as the text details the girl’s encounter with the person she once knew as her sister. Describing Hilarion with female pronouns and alternating between his gendered names, the author writes:
“After nine years, they saw that the young girl was beardless and they called her ‘Hilarion the Eunuch’ since there were many such [eunuchs] wearing the habit. For her breasts, too, they were not as those of all women. Above all, she was shrunken with ascetic practices and even her menstrual period had stopped because of the deprivation… The blessed Hilaria, when she saw her lay sister, knew her: but the lay sister knew not her sister, the monk. How should she know her since her flesh had withered through mortification and the beauty of her body had altered, and her appearance, she being naught but skin and bone? Besides all this she was wearing a man’s garb.”
Hilarion’s story is not unique, nor is the language to describe him. Each author may handle the protagonist’s pronouns, naming, and imputed gender differently, but each describe the story of a saint, whose birth-assigned gender was female, yet lived out their lives as men.
Despite extensive late antique prohibitions against women dressing as men, such as in the canons of the Council of Gangra in 345, in the Council of Trullo in 692, or even in Deutoronomy 22:5, these saints were venerated with due respect, demonstrating that even legal or Old Testament prohibitions did not impede the space for their worship and praise.
The potent transformations of the body as well cannot be disregarded, as these stories sought eloquently to describe how the saints’ secondary sex characteristics changed throughout their lives, detailing (as described above) the withering of breasts and the ceasing of menstruation"
(continued...)
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