I don’t see how parroting Sanders’ cutesy phrases such as “legalized bribery” really gets anyone anywhere.
You didn’t answer the crucial question as to how to distinguish “media” corporations from non-media ones that should not be exempt from the law that prohibits electioneering communications. The words “Congress shall make no law . . . abridging the freedom . . . of the press” need to mean something. For the future hypothetical Court that you hope will resurrect the law struck down in
Citizens United, what do you want the Freedom of the Press Clause to mean?
In any case, bribery and other forms of corruption are illegal, and are commonly prosecuted. The DOJ’s Public Integrity Section publishes a report every year on political corruption charges and convictions of all types at the federal, state and local levels. These corruption crimes are not just those that involve an act of
quid pro quo but include vote fraud (other than campaign finance crimes), obstruction of justice, simple violation of post-employment lobbying restrictions, drug possession, perjury/false statements, tax evasion. The data cover not just elected officials but all public servants from cabinet members to enlisted soldiers. The most recent report:
http://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/criminal/legacy/2014/09/09/2013-Annual-Report.pdf
A 2014 New York Times article notes that convictions of federal officials for corruption declined significantly from 1989 to 2011 (the most recent figures at the time of the article), and remained steady for local officials. In some recent years there have been sharp increases in corruption convictions of state officials due to particular schemes involving multiple officials in Puerto Rico and Southern California. Note that there has been a huge increase in public servants since 1989. Thus a “steady” or even intermittently increased number of convictions still indicates a decreased rate.
“I’ve studied American political corruption throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, and, if anything, corruption was much more common in much of those centuries than today,” said Larry J. Sabato, the director of the University of Virginia’s Center for Politics.
What has skyrocketed, he argues, is the public perception that politicians are corrupt. And to an extent, the numbers back him up.
[. . .]
A 2007 compendium of misdeed, “The Almanac of Political Corruption, Scandals and Dirty Politics,” concluded that fewer than 1 percent of the nearly 12,000 people who had served in Congress had been expelled, indicted or tried for crimes.
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/26/u...hat-political-corruption-is-rampant.html?_r=0
That “fewer than 1%” is about the same rate as the general population commits white-collar crimes.
It seems that invariably when complainers about
Citizens United are pinned down, the complaints are not about acts that can actually be identified as corruption. The section of BCRA struck down did not outlaw bribery or corruption or lobbying; it only outlawed independent speech by particular speakers. The Court gives a few examples of the speech criminalized by §441b of the BCRA:
The Sierra Club runs an ad, within the crucial phase of 60 days before the general election, that exhorts the public to disapprove of a Congressman who favors logging in national forests; the National Rifle Association publishes a book urging the public to vote for the challenger because the incumbent U. S. Senator supports a handgun ban; and the American Civil Liberties Union creates a Web site telling the public to vote for a Presidential candidate in light of that candidate’s defense of free speech. These prohibitions are classic examples of censorship.
http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/09pdf/08-205.pdf
These examples show that this law was not even close to being “narrowly tailored,” as laws subject to strict scrutiny must be. The law proscribed huge swaths of otherwise legal and admirable political speech for no rational reason whatsoever.