LDS letter on same-sex marriage

[9-10ths_Penguin]

... and here's the rest:

Not necessarily, a state sanction may increase a thing, or maintain the existence of a thing. Regardless, the fact a state sanction exists indicates the state sees that thing as something to foster.

Increasing a thing implies that it is greater than what it would have been if the state hadn't intervened. Maintaining the existence of a thing implies that it would cease to exist if the state hadn't intervened. In either case, the sanction is intended to address the part of that thing that would exist because of the intervention, not the part that would exist if nothing was done.

The "purpose" of marriage may be distinct from state interest. State interest is the issue.

Yes, and the state has a very clear interest in sanctioning same-sex marriage.

This is not the case. There are several countries, particularly in advanced economies, that have negative population growth.

Nice creative quoting. Here's what I actually said, including the part just after where you ended the quote where I deal with all possibilities of population growth from positive through zero to negative:

I'll re-phrase: without state sanction of marriage, you'd have some population growth; let's call it "X" (might be positive, might be negative, might be zero - at this point we don't know). Let's call the increase in population growth due to state sanction of marriage "Y" (might be positive, might be negative, might be zero - at this point we don't know). Your argument basically amounts to the claim that for every society, a population growth rate of X + Y is always better for the state and society than a growth rate of X alone. I wonder how you can be so sure of this in all cases.

Now... maybe you'll actually respond to my point.

Every country or region will have its natural population growth rate, whether strongly negative, strongly positive or something in between (what I called "X"). Every country will also have individual effects of marriage laws, which presumably vary by culture and region, which will impart some change in population growth, whether strongly negative, strongly positive or something in between (what I called "Y").

Also, presumably, every country has an optimum population growth rate based on its own particular needs and circumstances (let's call this "Z").

How can you be sure that in every single case everywhere, X + Y is closer to Z than X is by itself?

You are confused. According to the UN's figures, China has gone from a population growth rate in 1950 or 1.87 to a current rate of 0.58 and a projection by 2045 of -0.32. Also by the UN: India has gone from a 1950 growth rate of 1.73 to a current rate of 1.46 to a projection by 2045 of 0.32. Neither constitute run away populations.

Both countries have growing populations and major societal problems associated with this growth.

Your understanding of world population growth rates is unstudied.

Nice.

Regardless, The U.S's growth rates while still positive are nonetheless declining along with the world's population growth rates.

So, what do you consider to be the optimum growth rate for the United States? Give a number, any number.

I don't know all the legal systems of all the world so I can't comment on when all the world's legal systems begin doing a thing. I have been exposed to several legal systems. I know several where benefits increase with the number of children produced. Regardless, the basic idea of states wanting to secure a future citizenry and thereby sanctioning a way for that to occur doesn't seem a particularly radical notion.

No, it's not, but state sanction of marriage doesn't do that.

As to what you posted: the basic point is/was that homosexual marriage and heterosexual marriage are not similarly situated. There is a base difference. Heterosexual marriages may produce new citizens the other cannot. The state may see benefit in having new citizens and their foster: thus the sanction of heterosexual marriage.

The rights, privileges and benefits of opposite-sex marriage are not tied to fertility or to the intent to have children. A man and woman incapable of having children themselves are free to marry in California.

In broad strokes, the terms of opposite-sex marriage are:

- both parties give willing consent (including any age tests for consent)
- the two parties aren't close relatives
- neither party is already married to someone else
- the two parties follow the government-instituted procedure to wed (including paying any fees, having a licenced officiant, blood tests in some jurisdictions, etc.)

Two people of the same sex are just as capable as an opposite sex couple in meeting all of these terms.

Nowhere in this is any sort of test or measure for future children. Post-menopausal women are free to marry. There isn't even a "do you plan to have kids? Y/N" box on the marriage licence application form.

If someone wants to argue there is some great benefit gay marriage brings to society they may make that argument. If enough of their fellow citizens are convinced then the law may reflect that point of view.

They don't need to, because the law already reflects this... as I've pointed out many times.

 

[Autodidact]

How big a sample are we talking in this ? How many generation does it involve?
When you compared a tiny group (some 3%) of the poplulation to a much larger group ofcourse it would look better. As I said not enough data.

Why would that be? Why would starting with a smaller proportion of the population tend to skew the data more positively?
You know that EVERY national child welfare and medical organization does think there's enough data, right?
So I guess you're familiar with the research, and can explain why you think it is flawed? Like this:

Lesbian & Gay Parenting
Empirical Studies Specifically

Related to Lesbian & Gay Parents &

Their Children

Bailey, J. M., Bobrow, D., Wolfe, M., & Mikach, S. (1995). Sexual orientation of adult sons of gay fathers. Developmental Psychology, 31, 124-129.

The sexual development of children of gay and lesbian parents is interesting for both scientific and social reasons. The present study is the largest to date to focus on the sexual orientation of adult sons of gay men. From advertisements in gay publications, 55 gay or bisexual men were recruited who reported on 82 sons at least 17 years of age. More than 90% of sons whose sexual orientations could be rated were heterosexual. Furthermore, gay and heterosexual sons did not differ on potentially relevant variables such as the length of time they had lived with their fathers. Results suggest that any environmental influence of gay fathers on their sons' sexual orientation is not large. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)


Barrett, H., & Tasker, F. (2001). Growing up with a gay parent: Views of 101 gay fathers on their sons' and daughters' experiences. Educational and Child Psychology, 18, 62-77.

Within the context of a review of the literature on gay male parents and their children, preliminary findings are reported from a postal survey of gay parents recruited through advertisements for volunteers. One hundred one gay and bisexual parents (aged 25-75 yrs.) located in the United Kingdom and Eire provided information about their routes to parenting, partners' involvement with parenting, successes in meeting common parenting challenges, and their eldest sons' and daughters' responses to growing up with a gay parent. Results appear to confirm previous findings concerning the diversity of parenting circumstances of gay and bisexual men. Men with cohabiting male partners reported themselves as successfully meeting a variety of parenting challenges. While older children were more likely to know of their father's sexual identity, few gender differences were reported in response to this knowledge. Issues for further exploration are identified. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)


Bigner, J. J., & Jacobsen, R. B. (1989a). The value of children to gay and heterosexual fathers. In F. W. Bozett (Ed.), Homosexuality and the family (pp. 163-172). New York: Harrington Park Press.

Administered a value of children scale to 33 heterosexual fathers (aged 26-55 yrs.) and 33 matched homosexual fathers. Significant differences emerged only on the tradition-continuity-security and social status subscales. Homosexual subjects reported significant reasons motivating them to become parents. Their marriage and family orientation reflected a traditional attitude toward family life and served to protect against societal rejection. While some subjects truly desired children and valued the role children play in their lives, some homosexual subjects had children mainly to attain some type of social status. All subjects tended to value children negatively. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2004 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)


Bigner, J. J., & Jacobsen, R. B. (1989b). Parenting behaviors of homosexual and heterosexual fathers. In F. W. Bozett (Ed.), Homosexuality and the family (pp. 173-186). New York: Harrington Park Press.

Compared the responses of 33 homosexual (HMS) fathers with those of 33 heterosexual (HTS) fathers on the Iowa Parent Behavior Inventory. HMS subjects did not differ significantly from HTS subjects in their reported degree of involvement or in intimacy level with children. HMS subjects tended to be more strict and more responsive to children's needs and provided reasons for appropriate behavior to children more consistently than HTS subjects. Possible explanations for these similarities and differences in parenting styles are explored. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.) Return to top


Bos, H. M. W., van Balen, F., & van den Boom, D. C. (2003). Planned lesbian families: Their desire and motivation to have children. Human Reproduction, 10, 2216-2224.

Abstract can be found at Planned lesbian families: their desire and motivation to have children -- Bos et al. 18 (10): 2216 -- Human Reproduction RESULTFORMAT=1&author1= bos&title=planned+lesbian+families&andorexacttitle=and&andorexacttitleabs= and&andorexactfulltext=and&searchid=1122405216620_2712&stored_search= &FIRSTINDEX=0&sortspec=relevance&journalcode=humrep (Copyright © 2003 by the European Society of Human Reproduction and Embriology. All rights reserved.)


Bos, H. M. W., van Balen, F., & van den Boom, D. C. (2004). Experience of parenthood, couple relationship, social support, and child-rearing goals in planned lesbian mother families. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 45, 755-764.

The phenomenon of planned lesbian families is relatively new. The overall aim of this research was to examine whether planned lesbian mother families differ from heterosexual families on factors that are assumed to influence the parent-child relationship, such as experience of parenthood, child-rearing goals, couple relationship, and social support. One hundred lesbian two-mother families were compared with 100 heterosexual families having naturally conceived children. A variety of measures were used to collect the data, including questionnaires and a diary of activities kept by the parents. Lesbian parents are no less competent or more burdened than heterosexual parents. Both lesbian and heterosexual parents consider it important to develop qualities of independence in their children. However, "conformity" as a childrearing goal is less important to lesbian mothers. Furthermore, lesbian social mothers feel more often than fathers in heterosexual families that they must justify the quality of their parenthood. There are few differences between lesbian couples and heterosexual couples, except that lesbian mothers appear less attuned to traditional child-rearing goals and lesbian social mothers appear more to defend their position as mother. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2004 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)


Bozett, F. W. (1980). Gay fathers: How and why they disclose their homosexuality to their children. Family Relations, 29, 173-179.

Data collected by in-depth interviews reveal that many gay fathers disclose their homosexuality to their children. All but one subject reported that their children accepted them as homosexuals. Often the disclosure had the effect of deepening the father-child relationship. Gay fathers tend to be discreet regarding the overt expression of their homosexuality in order to protect their children from other people's hostility. Some gay fathers do not disclose their homosexuality to their children. Nondisclosure may cause the father considerable stress, depending upon the intimacy of the father-child relationship and the centrality of the father identity to the man. (Reprinted with permission of National Council on Family Relations. Copyright © 1980. All rights reserved.) Return to top


Brewaeys, A., Ponjaert, I., Van Hall, E. V., & Golombok, S. (1997). Donor insemination: Child development and family functioning in lesbian mother families. Human Reproduction, 12, 1349-1359.

Abstract can be found at:
Donor insemination: child development and family functioning in lesbian mother families -- Brewaeys et al. 12 (6): 1349 -- Human Reproduction brewaeys&andorexactfulltext=and&searchid=1124897164877_2266& stored_search=&FIRSTINDEX=0&sortspec=relevance&volume=12& resourcetype=1&journalcode=humrep.

 

[Autodidact]

And this:

Chan, R. W., Brooks, R. C., Raboy, B., & Patterson, C. J. (1998). Division of labor among lesbian and heterosexual parents: Associations with children's adjustment. Journal of Family Psychology, 12, 402-419.

This study compared lesbian and heterosexual parents' division of household labor, satisfaction with division of labor, satisfaction with couple relationships, and associations of these variables with psychological adjustment of children. Participating lesbian (n = 30) and heterosexual (n = 16) couples all became parents by using anonymous donor insemination and had at least one child of elementary-school age. Although both lesbian and heterosexual couples reported relatively equal divisions of paid employment and of household and decision-making tasks, lesbian biological and nonbiological mothers shared child-care tasks more equally than did heterosexual parents. Among lesbian nonbiological mothers, those more satisfied with the division of family decisions in the home were also more satisfied with their relationships and had children who exhibited fewer externalizing behavior problems. The effect of division of labor on children's adjustment was mediated by parents' relationship satisfaction. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)


Chan, R. W., Raboy, B., & Patterson, C. J. (1998b). Psychosocial adjustment among children conceived via donor insemination by lesbian and heterosexual mothers. Child Development, 69, 443-457.

Examined the relationships among family structure (e.g., number of parents, parental sexual orientation), family process (e.g., parents' relationship satisfaction, interparental conflict), and the psychological adjustment of children who had been conceived via donor insemination. The 80 participating families, all of whom had conceived children using the resources of a single sperm bank, included 55 families headed by lesbian and 25 families headed by heterosexual parents. Fifty families were headed by couples and 30 by single parents. Participating children averaged 7 years of age. Results show that children were developing in a normal fashion and that their adjustment was unrelated to structural variables, such as parental sexual orientation or the number of parents in the household. These results held true for teacher reports as well as for parent reports. Variables associated with family interactions and processes were, however, significantly related to indices of children's adjustment. Parents who were experiencing higher levels of parenting stress, higher levels of interparental conflict, and lower levels of love for each other had children who exhibited more behavior problems. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)


Ciano-Boyce, C., & Shelley-Sireci, L. (2002). Who is Mommy tonight? Lesbian parenting issues. Journal of Homosexuality, 43, 1-13.

Explored how 18 lesbian adoptive parents, 49 lesbian parents who formed their families biologically, and 44 heterosexual adoptive parents experience and perceive their parenting role, how they respond when their children seek them or their partner for particular nurturing, and how the parents negotiate the cultural expectation of a primary caregiver. Lesbian couples were more equal in their division of child care than heterosexual parents, and lesbian adoptive parents were the most egalitarian. In all types of dual-parent families, parents were sought by their child for different activities. In heterosexual adoptive and lesbian biological families, the child's parental preference was rarely a source of conflict between partners. Lesbian adoptive parents were more likely to report that this preference caused occasional conflict. Reasons for this conflict are discussed in light of societal expectations of women and the role of mother. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2003 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.) Return to top


Crawford, I., McLeod, A., Zamboni, B. D., & Jordan, M. B. (1999). Psychologists' attitudes toward gay and lesbian parenting. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 30, 394-401.

How does the average practicing psychologist view a gay or lesbian couple wishing to adopt a child? Psychologists (N = 388) from across the United States read and rated one of six vignettes describing a couple interested in adopting a 5-year-old child. The vignettes were identical except that the couples' sexual orientation was depicted as gay male, lesbian, or heterosexual, and the child was either a girl or boy. Results indicated that participants who rated the gay male and lesbian couples with a female child were less likely to recommend custody for these couples than participants who rated the heterosexual couples. Before psychologists provide mental health services to gay and lesbian people and their children, they should complete formal, systematic training on sexual diversity. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)


Flaks, D., Ficher, I., Masterpasqua, F., & Joseph, G. (1995). Lesbians choosing motherhood: A comparative study of lesbian and heterosexual parents and their children. Developmental Psychology, 31, 104-114.

Compared 15 lesbian couples and the 3- to 9-year-old children born to them through donor insemination with 15 matched, heterosexual-parent families. A variety of assessment measures were used to evaluate the children's cognitive functioning and behavioral adjustment as well as the parents' relationship quality and parenting skills. Results revealed no significant differences between the two groups of children, who also compared favorably with the standardization samples for the instruments used. In addition, no significant differences were found between dyadic adjustment of lesbian and heterosexual couples. Only in the area of parenting did the two groups of couples differ: Lesbian couples exhibited more parenting awareness skills than did heterosexual couples. The implications of these findings are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)


Fulcher, M., Chan, R. W., Raboy, B., & Patterson, C. J. (2002). Contact with grandparents among children conceived via donor insemination by lesbian and heterosexual mothers. Parenting: Science and Practice, 2, 61-76.

This study compared the networks of extended family and friendship relationships of children conceived via donor insemination with lesbian versus heterosexual parents. Eighty families participated; 55 of the families were headed by lesbian parents and 25 were headed by heterosexual parents. Parents reported their children's contact with grandparents and other important adults. Most children had regular contact with grandparents, other relatives, and adult nonrelatives outside their immediate households, and there were no differences in this regard as a function of parental sexual orientation. Both children of lesbian and heterosexual parents had more frequent contact with the parents of their biological mother than with the parents of their father or other mother. Contrary to negative stereotypes, children of lesbian mothers were described as having regular contact with grandparents. Regardless of parental sexual orientation, children were described as being in more frequent contact with grandparents to whom they were biologically linked. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.) Return to top

 

[Autodidact]

And this:

Gartrell, N., Banks, A., Reed, N., Hamiliton, J., Rodas, C., & Deck, A. (2000). The National Lesbian Family Study: 3. Interviews with mothers of five-year-olds. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 70(4), 542-548.

This third report from a longitudinal study of lesbian families presents data obtained from interviews with mothers (aged 29-47 yrs.) of 5-year-old children conceived by donor insemination. Results indicate that 87% of the children related well to peers, 18% had experienced homophobia from peers or teachers, and 63% had grandparents who frankly acknowledged their grandchild's lesbian family. Of the original couples, 31% had divorced. Of the remainder, 68% felt that their child was equally bonded to both mothers. Concerns of lesbian families are discussed.


Gartrell, N., Banks, A., Hamiliton, J., Reed, N., Bishop, H., & Rodas, C. (1999). The National Lesbian Family Study: 2. Interviews with mothers of toddlers. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 69(3), 362-369.

As part of a longitudinal study of lesbian families in which the children were conceived by donor insemination, interviews were conducted with 156 mothers and co-mothers (aged 26-51 yrs.). Topics covered in the interviews included health concerns, parenting, family structure, relationships, time management, and discrimination. Results yielded the following data: Most couples shared parenting equally, the majority felt closer to their family of origin, adoptive co-mothers felt greater legitimacy as parents, biology and nurture received the same ratings for mother-child bonding, and political and legal action had increased among many participants. The impact of these findings and that of homophobia on lesbian family life are discussed.


Gartrell, N., Deck, A., Rodas, C., Peyser, H., & Banks, A. (2005). The National Lesbian Family Study: 4. Interviews with the 10-year-old children. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 75(4) 518-524.

This fourth report from a longitudinal study of U.S. lesbian families presents data from 78 families in which the children were conceived by donor insemination. Results indicate that the prevalence of physical and sexual abuse in these children was lower than national norms. In social and psychological development, the children were comparable to children raised in heterosexual families. Children of unknown donors were indistinguishable from those with known donors in psychological adjustment. Fifty-seven percent of the children were completely out to their peers, and 43% had experienced homophobia. The children demonstrated a sophisticated understanding of diversity and tolerance.


Gartrell, N., Hamilton, J., Banks, A., Mosbacher, D., Reed, N., Sparks, C. H., & Bishop, H. (1996). The National Lesbian Family Study: 1. Interviews with prospective mothers. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 66(2), 272-281.

Provides the initial interview data from a longitudinal, 25-year study on demographic characteristics, parental relationships, social supports, pregnancy motivations and preferences, stigmatization concerns, and coping strategies of 84 lesbian families (aged 23-49 yrs.) in which the children were conceived by donor insemination. Results show subjects were predominately White, college educated, middle or upper-middle class, and Jewish or Christian. Subjects are strongly lesbian-identified, have close relationships with friends and extended families, have established flexible work schedules for child rearing, are well educated about the potential difficulties of raising a child in a lesbian household, and have access to appropriate support groups. Results also show that the prospective children are highly desired and thoughtfully conceived.


Gershon, T. D., Tschann, J. M., & Jemerin, J. M. (1999). Stigmatization, self-esteem, and coping among the adolescent children of lesbian mothers. Journal of Adolescent Health, 24, 437-445.

This study examined the relationship between perceived stigma and self-esteem (SE) and the potentially moderating role of general coping skills and level of disclosure about the adolescents' mothers' sexual orientation in a sample of 76 adolescents (aged 11-18 yrs.) with lesbian mothers. Results showed that subjects who perceived more stigma had lower SE in five of seven SE areas (social acceptance, self-worth, behavioral conduct, physical appearance, and close friendships), compared to those who perceived less stigma. In addition, coping skills moderated the effect of stigma on SE in three SE areas (self-worth, physical appearance, and behavioral conduct). However, only one subtype of coping skills (decision-making coping) was found to moderate the relationship of perceived stigma and SE in such a way that adolescents using more decision-making coping had higher SE in the face of high-perceived stigma. For social support coping, in the face of high-perceived stigma, subjects with more effective coping skills had lower SE. In the face of high-perceived stigma, subjects who disclosed more about their mother's sexual orientation had higher SE in the subscale of close friendships than those who disclosed less.


Golombok, S., & Tasker, F. (1996). Do parents influence the sexual orientation of their children? Findings from a longitudinal study of lesbian families. Developmental Psychology, 32, 3-11.

Findings are presented of a longitudinal study of the sexual orientation of adults who had been raised as children in lesbian families. Twenty-five children of lesbian mothers and a control group of 21 children of heterosexual single mothers were first seen at age 9.5 years on average, and again at age 23.5 years on average. Standardized interviews were used to obtain data on sexual orientation from the young adults in the follow-up study and on family characteristics and children's gender role behavior from the mothers and their children in the initial study. Although those from lesbian families were more likely to explore same-sex relationships, particularly if their childhood family environment was characterized by an openness and acceptance of lesbian and gay relationships, the large majority of children who grew up in lesbian families identified as heterosexual.


Golombok, S., Perry, B., Burston, A., Murray, C., Mooney-Somers, J., Stevens, M., & Golding, J. (2003). Children with lesbian parents: A community study. Developmental Psychology, 39, 20-33.

Existing research on children with lesbian parents is limited by reliance on volunteer or convenience samples. The present study examined the quality of parent-child relationships and the socioemotional and gender development of a community sample of 7-year-old children with lesbian parents. Families were recruited through the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children, a geographic population study of 14,000 mothers and their children. Thirty-nine lesbian-mother families, 74 two-parent heterosexual families, and 60 families headed by single heterosexual mothers were compared on standardized interview and questionnaire measures administered to mothers, co-mothers/fathers, children, and teachers. Findings are in line with those of earlier investigations showing positive mother-child relationships and well-adjusted children.


Golombok, S., & Rust, J. (1993). The Pre-School Activities Inventory: A standardized assessment of gender role in children. Psychological Assessment, 5(2), 131-136.

The Pre-School Activities Inventory (PSAI) is a new psychometric scale for the assessment of gender role behavior in young children. Its design and test specification are reported, and the piloting and item analysis are described. Evidence of reliability is given, and several validation studies are reported, as are data on age standardization and norming. Some applications of the PSAI are considered.


Golombok, S., Spencer, A., & Rutter, M. (1983). Children in lesbian and single-parent households: Psychosexual and psychiatric appraisal. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 24, 551-572.

Compared the psychosexual development, emotions, behavior, and relationships of 37 children (aged 5-17 yrs.) reared in 27 lesbian households with 38 children (aged 5-27 yrs.) reared in 27 heterosexual single-parent households. Systematic standardized interviews with the mothers and with the children, together with parent and teacher questionnaires, were used to make the psychosexual and psychiatric assessments. The two groups did not differ in terms of their gender identity, sex-role behavior, or sexual orientation. Also, they did not differ on most measures of emotions, behavior, and relationships, although there was some indication of more frequent psychiatric problems in the single-parent group. It is concluded that rearing in a lesbian household per se does not lead to atypical psychosexual development or constitute a psychiatric risk factor.

 

[Autodidact]

And this:



Golombok, S., Tasker, F. L., & Murray, C. (1997). Children raised in fatherless families from infancy: Family relationships and the socioemotional development of children of lesbian and single heterosexual mothers. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 38, 783-791.

Investigated family functioning and the psychological development of children (aged 3-9 yrs.) raised in fatherless families since their first year of life. Thirty lesbian mother families and 42 families headed by a single heterosexual mother were compared with 41 two-parent heterosexual families using standardized interview and questionnaire measures of the quality of parenting and the socioemotional development of the child. Results show that children raised in fatherless families from infancy experienced greater warmth and interaction with their mother and were more securely attached to her, although they perceived themselves to be less cognitively and physically competent than their peers from father-present families. No differences were identified between families headed by lesbian and single heterosexual mothers, except for greater mother-child interaction in lesbian mother families. It seems that children raised in fatherless families from birth or early infancy are not disadvantaged in terms of either the quality of their relationship with their mother or their emotional well-being. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)
Return to top

Green, R. (1978). Sexual identity of 37 children raised by homosexual or transsexual parents. American Journal of Psychiatry, 135, 692-697.

No abstract available.


Green, R., Mandel, J. B., Hotvedt, M. E., Gray, J., & Smith, L. (1986). Lesbian mothers and their children: A comparison with solo parent heterosexual mothers and their children. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 7, 175-181.

Compared the sexual identity and social relationships of 30 daughters and 26 sons (aged 3-11 yrs.) of 50 homosexual mothers with 28 daughters and 20 sons of 40 heterosexual mothers. Mothers were currently unmarried White women aged 25-46 years. In addition to age and race, mothers were matched on length of separation from father; educational level and income; and number, age, and sex of children. Subjects were from rural and urban areas in 10 U.S. states and lived without adult males in the household for a minimum of 2 years. Data from children's tests on intelligence, core-morphologic sexual identity, gender-role preferences, family and peer group relationships, and adjustment to the single-parent family indicate that there were no significant differences between the two types of households for boys and few significant differences for girls. Data also reveal more similarities than differences in parenting experiences, marital history, and present living situations of the two groups of mothers. It is suggested that the mother's sexual orientation per se should not enter into considerations on parental fitness that are commonly asserted in child custody cases. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)


Hand, S. I. (1991). The lesbian parenting couple. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The Professional School of Psychology, San Francisco.

No Abstract available.


Harris, M. B., & Turner, P. H. (1985/86). Gay and lesbian parents. Journal of Homosexuality, 12, 101-113.

Conducted an anonymous survey of 23 male and female homosexual parents (aged 29-53 yrs.) and 16 heterosexual single parents (aged 19-47 yrs.) to see whether the parents' homosexuality created special problems or benefits or both, for their children. Both sets of parents reported relatively few serious problems and generally positive relationships with their children, with only a minority encouraging sex-typed toys, activities, and playmates. Heterosexual parents made a greater effort to provide an opposite-sex role model for their children. Homosexual parents saw a number of benefits and relatively few problems for their children, with females perceiving greater benefits than males. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.) Return to top


Hoeffer, B. (1981). Children's acquisition of sex-role behavior in lesbian-mother families. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 5, 536-544.

No abstract available.


Huggins, S. L. (1989). A comparative study of self-esteem of adolescent children of divorced lesbian mothers and divorced heterosexual mothers. In F. W. Bozett (Ed.), Homosexuality and the family (pp. 123-135). New York: Harrington Park Press.

Administered the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory to nine sons and nine daughters (aged 13-19 yrs.) of divorced lesbian mothers (DLMs) and 18 age- and sex-matched sons and daughters of divorced heterosexual mothers (DHMs). Self-esteem (SE) scores of subjects with DLMs and DHMs were not significantly different. Daughters of DHMs had the highest and sons of DHMs had the lowest SE scores. Daughters who felt negatively about their mothers' lesbianism were more likely to have lower SE. Father's attitude toward the mother's lesbianism was also related to subjects' SE.

 

[Autodidact]

Koepke, L., Hare, J., & Moran, P. B. (1992). Relationship quality in a sample of lesbian couples with children and child-free lesbian couples. Family Relations, 41, 224-229.

Examined the quality of lesbian relationships by three factors: presence of children, extent of disclosure concerning the nature of the relationship, and longevity of the relationship. Forty-seven lesbian couples (aged 21-66 yrs.) completed ENRICH, which measures the nurturing and enriching dimensions of an intimate relationship, and a 17-item researcher-designed questionnaire that included questions examining disclosure of the nature of the couples' relationship, relationship longevity, presence of children, education, annual income, occupation, and age. Overall, findings indicate that solid and happy relationships existed for the total sample of couples. However, couples with children soared significantly higher on relationship satisfaction and sexual relationship. No differences were found by longevity of the relationship or disclosure. Implications for family life educators and family practitioners are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)


Kweskin, S. L., & Cook, A. S. (1982). Heterosexual and homosexual mothers' self-described sex-role behavior and ideal sex-role behavior in children. Sex Roles, 8, 967-975.

Compared self-descriptive scores and ratings assigned to an "ideal" child on the Bem Sex-Role Inventory (BSRI) by 22 heterosexual and 22 homosexual mothers (aged 19-43 yrs.). No significant differences were found. However, significance was obtained when subjects were classified in terms of self-described sex-role behavior on the BSRI. Subjects tended to rate an "ideal" child in the same manner in which they rated themselves. Results show subjects' self-described sex-role behavior to be a better indicator of desired sex-role behavior in children than subjects' sexual orientation. Similarities in sex-role behavior and attitudes of heterosexual and homosexual mothers far outweighed the present subjects' differences when determined by self-description and attitudes toward ideal child behavior. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.) Return to top


Lewis, K. G. (1980). Children of lesbians: Their point of view. Social Work, 25, 198-203.

Interviews with 21 children of lesbians in greater Boston area, ranging in age from 9 to 26, identified several major issues. Problems experienced involved parents' divorce and disclosure of mother's homosexuality. Problems between mother and children were secondary to the issue of children's respect for difficult step she had taken. (Reprinted with permission of ERIC Copyright © 1980. All rights reserved.)


Lott-Whitehead, L., & Tully, C. T. (1993). The family lives of lesbian mothers. Smith College Studies in Social Work, 63, 265-280.

Studied the family lives of 45 adult lesbians who were also parents. Subjects responded to a questionnaire consisting of closed- and open-ended items that elicited responses on a broad range of topics related to family life. Findings revealed that the subjects were aware of the impact of their sexual orientation on their children, that they were vigilant about maintaining the integrity of their families, and that the stress they felt was buffered by social support networks. Some subjects noted that a sector of the lesbian community itself was unsupportive of lesbian motherhood. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)


Lyons, T. A. (1983). Lesbian mothers' custody fears. Women and Therapy, 2, 231-240.

Conducted a comparative study between 1977 and 1981 of both lesbian and heterosexual mothers, focusing on the different kinds of support systems that they employ to meet both emotional and material needs for themselves and their children. Forty-three lesbian and 37 heterosexual formerly married mothers were studied. One half of lesbian subjects and one third of heterosexual subjects lived with partners. Results show no differences between the groups in social support systems and relationships with ex-husbands. Motherhood was a primary part of self-identity for all subjects. Fear of loss of custody was a persistent theme for lesbian mothers and was the only major difference between the groups. Court-awarded custody is never final and can be challenged from a number of sources. Lesbians often lose custody when their situation is discovered. Custody can be used by ex-spouses to adjust property settlements. Fear of disclosure can have disruptive effects on comfort and ease of family gatherings. It is concluded that motherhood, rather than the pursuit of multiple lovers, was the central organizing theme in the lives of lesbian subjects.

 

[Autodidact]

And this:

McLeod, A. C., Crawford, I., & Zechmeister, J. (1999). Heterosexual undergraduates' attitudes toward gay fathers and their children. Journal of Psychology and Human Sexuality, 11, 43-62.

One hundred fifty-one heterosexual college students' attitudes toward gay male couples and their adopted children were assessed. Subjects evaluated vignettes depicting either a gay male couple or heterosexual couple and their adopted son along the dimensions of parenting ability, degree to which the child's problems were attributable to the parental relationship, distress of the child (including gender and sexual identity confusion), and the extent to which custody reassignment was perceived to be beneficial. Differences in subjects' ratings indicated that a boy raised by gay fathers was perceived to be experiencing greater confusion regarding his sexual orientation and gender identity. Custody reassignment was also rated as more beneficial for the son raised by gay fathers. Multiple regression analyses indicated that these assumptions were significantly predicted by the subjects' stereotype of gay men as effeminate, above and beyond the subjects' political conservatism and religious attendance. Results are discussed in accordance with G. M. Herek's (1984) functional approach to attitudes toward homosexuality.


McPherson, D. (1993). Gay parenting couples: Parenting arrangements, arrangement satisfaction, and relationship satisfaction. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Pacific Graduate School of Psychology.

Twenty-eight gay male parenting couples and 27 heterosexual parenting couples from across the United States participated in a study comparing gay parenting couples and heterosexual parenting couples. Gay parenting couples are already existing gay couples into which a child has been brought prior to the child's 9-month birthday and in which the child is presently being reared. Parents' division of labor and satisfaction with their division of labor was assessed using Cowan and Cowan's Who Does What? Relationship satisfaction was assessed using a single question on relationship satisfaction and Spanier's 32-item Dyadic Adjustment Scale (DAS). Results revealed gay parenting couples demonstrate significantly more equitable arrangements of parenting tasks and roles and significantly greater satisfaction with those arrangements than the heterosexual parenting couples. A single question on relationship satisfaction revealed no significant difference between groups in reported satisfaction, while the 32-item DAS revealed the gay parenting couples to be significantly more satisfied with their relationships than the heterosexual couples, especially in the area of dyadic cohesion and affective expression. Post-hoc testing revealed a gender difference: Women reported significantly greater dissatisfaction with parenting arrangements than their husbands or gay parents.

Miller, B. (1979). Gay fathers and their children. Family Coordinator, 28, 544-552.

Presents data from a 3-year study on the quality and nature of the relationships of homosexual fathers with their children. In-depth interviews were conducted with a snowball sample of 40 gay fathers and 14 of their children. Uses a cross-national sample: Interviews were conducted in large and small cities in both Canada and the United States. Excluded from the study were men who no longer saw their children. Fathers were aged from 24 to 64, and the children who were interviewed ranged from 14 to 33 years of age. Addresses the nature of the father-child relationship and the children's adjustment to their father's homosexuality. Four issues frequently raised in custody cases are discussed: Do gay fathers have children to cover their homosexuality, do they molest their children, do their children turn out to be gay in disproportionate numbers, and does having a gay father expose a child to homophobic harassment. Concludes that concerns that gay fathers will have a negative impact on their children's development are unfounded.


Miller, J. A., Jacobsen, R. B., & Bigner, J. J. (1981). The child's home environment for lesbian versus heterosexual mothers: A neglected area of research. Journal of Homosexuality, 7, 49-56.

Compared 34 lesbian (aged 21-42 yrs.) and 47 heterosexual (aged 24-63 yrs.) mothers in terms of the home setting provided and the caregiver role vis-à-vis children. Results reveal a less affluent socioeconomic setting for the children of lesbian mothers. A strong child-development orientation was found among lesbian mothers, undermining the stereotype of lesbians as aloof from children. Lesbian mothers tended to assume a principal role in child-care responsibility regardless of whether the caregiver and breadwinner roles were shared with a live-in partner.


Mucklow, B. M., & Phelan, G. K. (1979). Lesbian and traditional mothers' responses to adult responses to child behavior and self concept. Psychological Reports, 44, 880-882.

Attempted to determine if significant differences existed between 34 lesbian and 47 traditional mothers on measures of maternal attitude and self-concept. The Adult Response to Child Behavior, a set of slides of children's behaviors and set responses, provided an indicator of adult, task-, and child-centered attitudes. Three personality aggregates-self-confidence, dominance, and nurturance-were computed from responses to the Adjective Check List. Chi-square analyses showed no difference in response to children's behavior or in self-concept of lesbian and traditional mothers.


Osterweil, D. A. (1991). Correlates of relationship satisfaction in lesbian couples who are parenting their first child together. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, California School of Professional Psychology, Berkeley/Alameda.

Thirty lesbian couples who were parenting an 18- to 36-month-old child conceived through alternative insemination participated in this cross-sectional study. Based on a multidimensional model of couple satisfaction for heterosexual couples in their transition to parenthood, developed by the Becoming a Family Project at University of California-Berkeley (Cowan, C. P., Cowan, P. A., Heming, Garrett, Coysh, Curtis-Boles, & Boles, 1985), intrapsychic variables (self-esteem, needs for autonomy, affiliation, and nurturance), dyadic variables (role arrangement, coming out, communication, sex, and commitment), and extradyadic variables (social/familial support, use of a known or unknown donor, adoption by the nonbiological parent, and child-related issues) were analyzed for individual and couple data. Satisfaction was most significantly correlated with low need for autonomy, identification of sense of self as "partner," perception of parents' past relationship as positive, egalitarian distribution of and satisfaction with role arrangement, effective communication skills, expectation of being together in 20 years, equal commitment, satisfying sexual relationship, and use of an unknown donor. Findings are explained in terms of newer female developmental models which acknowledge and normalize women's relational values. The study also compared the biological and nonbiological mothers. Biological mothers had a greater need for autonomy, saw their actual and ideal role as mother slightly larger and their actual and ideal leisure time as smaller than did their partners, and had a more positive relationship with their own mothers. There were no differences between partners in their self-esteem, coming-out experiences, felt acceptance as a lesbian parent, relationship commitment, sexual satisfaction, social involvement, or their perception of their child. They divided household chores, decision making, and child-related tasks about equally. Finally, the study described the women and the couples' parenting choices. Women's mean age was 35, and the average length of their relationships was 7.7 years. Seventy percent used an unknown donor to prevent potential third-party interference. Seventy percent of the nonbiological mothers were planning to or had already adopted their child. One third of the couples were planning to have another child.

 

[Autodidact]

And this:

Pagelow, M. D. (1980). Heterosexual and lesbian single mothers: A comparison of problems, coping and solutions. Journal of Homosexuality, 5, 198-204.

Gathered descriptive data on the everyday experiences of 23 heterosexual (mean age 38 yrs.) and 20 lesbian (mean age 34 yrs.) single mothers; among them, heterosexuals had 51 children, and lesbians had 43. Children ranged in age from 1 to 30 years. Research methods included participant observation in a wide range of discussion groups and group activities, in-depth interviews, and a questionnaire. Using a phenomenological perspective, comparisons were drawn between heterosexual and lesbian respondents' adaptations to three common concerns: child custody, housing, and employment. While both groups reported oppression in the areas of freedom of association, employment, housing, and child custody, the degree of perceived oppression was greater for lesbian mothers. Lesbian mothers exhibited patterns of behavior that may have been responses to perceived oppression and that counterbalanced felt difficulties by the development of relatively higher levels of independence.


Patterson, C. J. (1994a). Children of the lesbian baby boom: Behavioral adjustment, self-concepts, and sex-role identity. In B. Greene & G. Herek (Eds.), Contemporary perspectives on lesbian and gay psychology: Theory, research and application (pp. 156-175). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

(From the chapter) today, the rise in births among openly lesbian women in the United States has been so dramatic that many observers have labeled it a lesbian baby boom / the study described here was designed to enhance the understanding of child development in the families of the lesbian baby boom /first, demographic and other characteristics of the families who participated in this research were described / the behavioral adjustment, self-concepts, and sex role behavior of children in these families were explored / to allow comparisons between children with lesbian and heterosexual parents, a group of children in "new" lesbian mother families was studied, and the children's scores on standardized measures were compared with national or other available norms [37 families, headed either by a lesbian couple or by a lesbian single mother, with at least one child between the ages of 4 and 9 yrs. participated in the study].


Patterson, C. J. (1995a). Families of the lesbian baby boom: Parents' division of labor and children's adjustment. Developmental Psychology, 31, 115-123.

Assessed lesbian couples' division of labor, their satisfaction with division of labor and with their relationships, and their children's psychosocial adjustment. The 26 participating families were headed by lesbian couples, each of whom had at least one child between 4 and 9 years of age. Parents' relationship satisfaction was generally high but was unrelated to measures of parental division of labor or of children's adjustment. Although both parents reported sharing household tasks and decision making equally, biological mothers reported greater involvement in child care, and nonbiological mothers reported spending longer hours in paid employment. Parents were more satisfied and children were more well adjusted when labor involved in child care was more evenly distributed between the parents.


Patterson, C. J. (2001). Families of the lesbian baby boom: Maternal mental health and child adjustment. Journal of Gay and Lesbian Psychotherapy, 4, 91-107.

This article reports a study of maternal mental health, household composition, and children's adjustment among 37 families in which 4- to 9-year-old children had been born to or adopted early in life by lesbian mothers. Results showed that maternal reports of both self-esteem and psychological symptoms were within the normal range. Consistent with findings for heterosexual parents and their children, assessments of children's adjustment were significantly associated with measures of maternal mental health. These results underline the importance of maternal mental health as a predictor of children's adjustment among lesbian as well as among heterosexual families.

Patterson, C. J., Hurt, S., & Mason, C. D. (1998). Families of the lesbian baby boom: Children's contact with grandparents and other adults. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 68, 390-399.

Investigated, in an exploratory study of 37 lesbian-mother families, the frequency of 4- to 9-year-old children's contact with adults in their extended family and friendship networks. Results countered stereotypes of such children as isolated from parents' families of origin. Among children's adult contacts, those with relatives of their biological mothers were found to be more frequent than those with relatives of nonbiological mothers. Children were more likely to be in contact with their grandparents, as well as with other adult relatives, on the biological rather than the nonbiological side. Interpretations of these findings are considered.

Paul, J. P. (1986). Growing up with a gay, lesbian, or bisexual parent: An exploratory study of experiences and perceptions. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of California at Berkeley, Berkeley CA.

Thirty-four men and women (ages 18 to 28) with a homosexual or bisexual parent were interviewed extensively about their experiences growing up in their families, learning of their parents' sexuality, and developing their own social relationships. Their retrospective accounts (mean time lapse since learning of parent's sexuality was 9.12 yrs.) were analyzed to provide a picture of reactions to a parent's "coming out," reported consequences of having a homosexual or bisexual parent, and the perspectives held by offspring on family, friendships, and sexuality. Quantitative findings concerning the initial reactions of offspring support some of the previous qualitative reports in the field. Respondents who had learned about their parents' sexual orientation in adolescence reported significantly more negative initial reactions to the news than respondents who learned before this time. They were more likely to report negative initial reactions if the parent was their father as opposed to their mother. Initial reactions to the parent also were linked to respondents' concerns about negative reactions of friends to both the non-heterosexual parent and themselves. These initial reactions were not, however, necessarily indicative of perceived current closeness to the non-heterosexual parent, one sign of how the offspring had resolved their feelings about their parents' homosexuality or bisexuality. The current quality of respondents' relationships with their bisexual or homosexual parents was related to the perceptions of parents' ease of communication and openness with offspring. Respondents' conceptualizations of personal relationships suggest possible effects of the experience of growing up with a gay, lesbian, or bisexual parent, especially with regard to perceptions of friendship and sexuality. The study findings are discussed in light of methodological problems in this type of research, and directions for future research are suggested.


Puryear, D. (1983). A comparison between the children of lesbian mothers and the children of heterosexual mothers. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, California School of Professional Psychology, Berkeley CA.

This study explored the effect of mothers' sexual orientation on three areas of development in children of latency age: self-concept, locus of control orientation, and self and familial views. Fifteen lesbian mother-child pairs and 15 heterosexual mother-child pairs comprised the sample. The two groups were highly similar on a number of personal and demographic variables (e.g., socioeconomic status, age, length of time separated, age of children, etc.). Self-concept was measured by the Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale (1969), an 80-item "Yes-No" questionnaire. Locus of control orientation was measured by the Nowicki-Strickland Locus of Control Scale for Children (1973), a 40-item "Yes-No" questionnaire. Children's self and familial views were measured by the Kinetic Family Drawing Rating Scale devised by the investigator and adapted from the Burns and Kaufman (1982) scoring method for the Kinetic Family Drawing Projective Test. Mothers also completed a Family Questionnaire devised by the investigator which included demographic information and questions regarding mother's and child's adjustments to the separation from the child's father. No significant differences were found between the two groups of children in self-concept or in locus of control orientation scores. These findings make it difficult to defend the view that the mother's sexual orientation is detrimental to the development of the child's self-concept or locus of control orientation.

 

[Autodidact]

And this:

Rand, C., Graham, D. L. R., & Rawlings, E. I. (1982). Psychological health and factors the court seeks to control in lesbian mother custody trials. Journal of Homosexuality, 8, 27-39.

The court has repeatedly ruled that a mother will lose custody of and visitation privileges with her children if she expresses her lesbianism through involvement or cohabitation with a female partner, being affiliated with a lesbian community, or disclosing her lesbianism to her children. The present study examined associations between expressions of lesbianism for 25, 23-to 46-year-old White self-identified lesbian mothers and psychological health, as measured by three scales on the California Psychological Inventory and by the Affectometer. Psychological health correlated positively with openness to employer, ex-husband, children, a lesbian community, and amount of feminist activism. Partial support was found for the hypothesis that lesbian mothers who were expressing their lesbianism would be psychologically healthier than those who were not.


Rees, R. L. (1979). A comparison of children of lesbian and single heterosexual mothers on three measures of socialization. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, California School of Professional Psychology, Berkeley CA.

No abstract available.


Sarantakos, S. (1996). Children in three contexts: Family, education, and social development. Children Australia, 21(3), 23-31.

No abstract available. See footnote on page 6.


Sbordone, A. J. (1993). Gay men choosing fatherhood. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Department of Psychology, City University of New York.

Seventy-eight gay men who are parents via adoption or arrangements with surrogate mothers were compared with 83 gay non-fathers on measures of internalized homophobia, self-esteem, and recollections of their families of origin during childhood. Questionnaires included: the Nungesser Homosexual Attitudes Inventory, the Ego-Dystonic Homosexuality Scale, the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale, the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale, the Family-of-Origin Scale, the Parent-Child Relations Questionnaire II, and a demographic section. Tests of statistical significance included: the t-test, Mann-Whitney U-test, chi-square, Pearson's r, and analysis of variance. This research begins the documentation of a recent phenomenon in the gay community, gay men who are choosing to become fathers within the context of a gay identity. Results indicate that fathers and non-fathers do not differ significantly in their recollections of maternal and paternal parent-child relationships on measures of love, rejection, attention, or casual versus demanding attitudes toward rules. Nor do the two groups differ significantly on their perceptions of intimacy and autonomy in the family of origin. However, fathers do display significantly higher levels of self-esteem and significantly lower levels of internalized homophobia than non-fathers. Further comparisons include non-fathers who would like to raise a child and those who would not, and correlations between the arrival of a child and scores on measures of self-esteem and internalized homophobia. The author speculates that the fathers' higher self-esteem and lower internalized homophobia are a result of fatherhood rather than a precursor to it.


Siegenthaler, A. L., & Bigner, J. J. (2000). The value of children to lesbian and non-lesbian mothers. Journal of Homosexuality, 39, 73-91.

Compared the responses of 25 lesbian and 26 non-lesbian mothers (mean age 35 yrs.) to items on the Value of Children (VOC) Scale. This instrument measures the reasons that may explain why adults become parents and the values and functions for children in the lives of adults. Results indicate that there are more similarities than differences between lesbian and non-lesbian mothers in responses on the VOC scale. Only one subscale that measures goals and incentives for assuming parenthood and having children differentiated between the groups. The lack of differences in response patterns on the VOC scale between lesbian and non-lesbian mothers may be attributed to the similar socialization experiences of women in our society regarding parenthood and the expectations of individuals upon assuming this role in adulthood. The significant differences in responses on the one subscale may be attributed to differences in worldviews of lesbian and non-lesbian mothers.

Steckel, A. (1987). Psychosocial development of children of lesbian mothers. In F. W. Bozett, (Ed.), Gay and lesbian parents (pp. 75-85). New York: Praeger.

(From the chapter) children of lesbians / confused in their sexual identity / sex roles / sexual orientation. Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence or Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children-Revised, several tests for sex-role behavior and gender identity, and the Bene-Anthony Family Relations test.

Steckel, A. (1985). Separation-individuation in children of lesbian and heterosexual couples. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The Wright Institute Graduate School, Berkeley CA.

This exploratory study compared separation-individuation in children of lesbian and heterosexual couples, examining how the presence of a female co-parent, rather than a father, might (1) facilitate or hinder a child's intrapsychic separation and (2) affect girls and boys differently. Independence, ego functions and object relations, components of separation-individuation, were measured through use of a structured parent interview, a Q-Sort administered to parents and teachers, and a Structured Doll Technique with the child. Subjects were 11 lesbian families and 11 heterosexual families. The children ranged from 2 years 10 months to 5 years in age, with eight boys and three girls in each group. Parent interviews were analyzed qualitatively for differences between reports of lesbian and heterosexual parents. Structured Doll Technique protocols were scored by raters. T tests were performed on Q-Sort items and on Structured Doll Technique scores by family structure group (lesbian vs. heterosexual) and by child's gender. Major findings were that children of both lesbians and heterosexuals fell within the normal range of the separation-individuation process. Neither group revealed more psychopathology or difficulties in separation-individuation than the other group. Yet findings also demonstrated significantly different experiences of separation and individuation for lesbians' and heterosexuals' children. Heterosexuals' children had a more aggressively tinged separation. They saw themselves as more aggressive (p < .01), were seen as more bossy and domineering (p < .05), more active in asserting themselves (p < .05), more negativistic (p < .05), more involved in power struggles (p < .05), and less likely to take commands and demands in stride (p < .05). In contrast, lesbians' children had a more lovable self-image (p < .05), expressed more helplessness (p < .01), and were seen as more affectionate and responsive (p < .01), and as more protective toward those younger (p < .05). Data regarding gender differences demonstrated that lesbians' daughters were especially interested in developing relationships (p < .05) and heterosexuals' sons were notably active in asserting themselves (p < .05). It was concluded that the presence of a female co-parent, rather than a father, does not adversely affect the child's progression through the separation-individuation process, but does establish a qualitatively different separation experience.

Sullivan, M. (1996). Rozzie and Harriet? Gender and family patterns of lesbian coparents. Gender and Society, 10, 747-767.
In this article the author explores the ways in which lesbian coparents divide household, child care, and paid labor to learn whether, and the degree to which, they adopt egalitarian work and family arrangements. Informed by a brief overview of U.S. gay liberation and family politics, and the theoretical and empirical work on the household division of labor by gender, this qualitative analysis of 34 Northern California families suggests that equitable practices-a pattern of equal sharing-among these lesbian coparents are the norm. Less frequently, the Rozzie and Harriet pattern of primary breadwinner/primary caregiver emerges, apparently in relation to differences in parents' relative income and their desire to offer children a "sense of family." The experience of this minority of couples reveals a division of labor that mimics modern heterosexual expectations and highlights the powerful negative effect of economic dependency on women who are full-time caregivers.

 

[Autodidact]

And this:

Tasker, F., & Golombok, S. (1995). Adults raised as children in lesbian families. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 65, 203-215.

Conducted a longitudinal study to examine the psychological well-being, family relationships, and the formation of friendships/intimate relationships among individuals raised in lesbian families. Twenty-five young adults (aged 17-35 yrs.; 8 males) from lesbian families and 21 aged-matched controls (12 males) raised by heterosexual single mothers were interviewed regarding their family and peer relationships, sexual orientations, and psychological adjustment. Subjects raised by lesbian mothers functioned well in adulthood in terms of psychological well-being and of family identity and relationships. The commonly held assumption that lesbian mothers will have lesbian daughters and gay sons was not supported. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)


Tasker, F., & Golombok, S. (1997). Growing up in a lesbian family. New York: Guilford Press.

(From the jacket) Presenting a . . . longitudinal study of 25 children raised in lesbian mother families, and a comparison group raised by single heterosexual mothers, the book lays out the developmental effects of growing up in a same-sex household-and confronts a range of myths and stereotypes along the way. The book focuses on the follow-up interviews with grown-up children who took part in the study-all of whom were born to heterosexual partnerships but whose mothers later entered lesbian relationships. Shedding light on the quality of their family life, young adults share what it was like to grow up with a lesbian mother and her partner and discuss their level of awareness during childhood of growing up in a lesbian-headed home. Also considered are ways children from lesbian mother families integrate their family background with their school environment and cope with prejudice. [This book] will be welcomed by professionals, educators and students in psychology, social work, and sociology; others interested in the long-term influences of childhood experiences on adult life; and readers in women's studies and lesbian/gay studies. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.) Return to top


Tasker, F., & Golombok, S. (1998). The role of co-mothers in planned lesbian-led families. Journal of Lesbian Studies, 2, 49-68.

Compared the role and involvement in parenting of co-mothers in 15 British lesbian mother families with the role of resident fathers in two different groups of heterosexual families (43 families where the study child was conceived through donor insemination, and 41 families where the child had been naturally conceived). There was a similar proportion of boys and girls in each group of families; average age across all 3 groups of children was 6 years. Birth mothers in all three types of families were administered a semistructured interview to assess the quality of family relationships. Questionnaire data on stress associated with parenting were obtained from co-mothers and fathers, and the children completed the Family Relations Test. The results indicate that co-mothers played a more active role in daily caretaking than did most fathers. However, father-child and co-mother-child relationships were equally warm and affectionate in all three groups and there were no group differences for children's scores on the Family Relations Test or co-mothers/fathers' scores on the Parenting Stress Index. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)


Vanfraussen, K., Ponjaert-Kristoffersen, I., & Brewaeys, A. (2003). Family functioning in lesbian families created by donor insemination. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 73, 78-90.

In this study, we wanted to focus on parenting in relation to a specific feature of the lesbian donor insemination (DI) family, namely, the presence of a social mother. We wanted to investigate whether the lack of a biological connection influences the social parent-child interaction. To discover this, a comparison is made between both parents within the lesbian household. The second aim of this study is to explore the content of the role of the social parent in a lesbian family. A total of 24 lesbian families participated. The quantitative and qualitative data of this study on family functioning in lesbian DI families reveal that according to both parents and children, the quality of children's relationship with the social mother is comparable to that with the biological mother. Unlike fathers in heterosexual families, the lesbian social mother is as much involved in child activities as is the biological mother. Furthermore, the lesbian social mother has as much authority as does the father in heterosexual families. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2003 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)


Wainright, J. L., Russell, S. T., & Patterson, C. J. (2004). Psychosocial adjustment and school outcomes of adolescents with same-sex parents. Child Development, 75(6), Nov-Dec 2004, 1886-1898.

This study examined associations among family type (same-sex vs. opposite-sex parents); family and relationship variables; and the psychosocial adjustment, school outcomes, and romantic attractions and behaviors of adolescents. Participants included 44 12- to 18-year-old adolescents parented by same-sex couples and 44 same-aged adolescents parented by opposite-sex couples, matched on demographic characteristics and drawn from a national sample. Normative analyses indicated that, on measures of psychosocial adjustment and school outcomes, adolescents were functioning well, and their adjustment was not generally associated with family type. Assessments of romantic relationships and sexual behavior were not associated with family type. Regardless of family type, adolescents whose parents described closer relationships with them reported better school adjustment. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2004 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.) Return to top


Wright, J. M. (1998). Lesbian stepfamilies: An ethnography of love. New York: Harrington Park Press.

Lesbian Step Families: An Ethnography of Love explores five lesbian step families' definitions of the step parent role and how they accomplish parenting tasks, cope with homophobia, and define and interpret their experiences. An intensive feminist qualitative study, the book offers guidelines for counselors and lesbian step families for creating healthy, functioning family structures and environments. It is the first book to concentrate exclusively on lesbian step families rather than on lesbian mothering in general.

In Lesbian Step Families: An Ethnography of Love, you'll explore in detail the different kinds of step relationships that are developed and what factors may lead to the different types of step mothering in lesbian step families. The book helps you understand these relationships and parent roles through in-depth discussions of:

• how a step mother and legal mother who live together negotiate and organize parenting and homemaking tasks,
  
• how members of lesbian step families define and create the step mother role,
  
• strategies family members use to define and cope with oppression,
  
• how sexism is transmitted within the family and how mothering may limit and/or contribute to female liberation, and
  
• the opinions and viewpoints of the children of these families.

The findings in Lesbian Step Families: An Ethnography of Love challenge traditional views of mothering and fathering as gender and biologically based activities; they indicate that lesbian step families model gender flexibility and that the mothers and step mothers share parenting-both traditional mothering and fathering-tasks. This allows the biological mother some freedom from motherhood as well as support in it.

That's not enough data for you, emiliano?

 

[Autodidact]

I think that you have the evolution thing all mixed up, and the fact that you differ from my views is that I believe in creation, human were created to be human, endowed we intelligence, reason and free choice (a free agent) to have the capacity to fight for any, a rational agent need to have the capacity to reason, it is trough reasoning that a human decides if a thing is worth a fight or not, what is trivial to you can a vital necessity to another, eg. Territorial fight, a human will reason how important a territory is, how much power it posses, analyses the situation and predict the outcome of the fight, throwing stone involves reasoning as well, there are differences in the way humans react to external stimuli, a human receives the stimuli, propose A,B,C actions, assesses the chances of success, then acts, brutes have a direct line of action, external stimuli, eg. Territorial invasion, action regardless of consequences (eg. Defeat) brutes do not understand the signals send by other brutes=> offensive action, there is no reasoning, no plan, no analysis, no assessment, no measure of possibility of success or failure, humans act as human, as reasoning intelligent beings, brutes act as brutes.


There is a reason to why humans have been able to subdue all the other creatures even though they are not the strongest or swiftest, they realised what they had and used it even against their own kind.

I don’t know what your experiences have been, when I was a boy I use to tease a dog that I knew was in an enclosure till it was raving mad, years later I had to pass in front of the house where this dog lived and somebody left the front gate open, it was free, as soon as it sighted me, he went for me, I still have the scares on my buttock. I was a teenage by then and had lost all interest in the stupid beast and didn’t tease it for years, I was to busy chasing teenage girls. So much for dog forgiveness, love and understanding. I was also cruel to other boys, when we grew up we became friends, we reason together, admit our wrongs and forgave each other, How is that for an example?Whose the more evolved?

I agree. The same fundamentally anti-scientific mentality that could reject the scientific theory of evolution in favor of a magical creation myth also leads to rejecting scientific conclusions in other areas, such as gay parenting.

 

[Autodidact]

Sorry, everyone, I wanted to be sure that emiliano (and Starfish) had enough data.

 

[McBell]

Sorry, everyone, I wanted to be sure that emiliano (and Starfish) had enough data.

I strongly suspect that it isn't enough.

Which is funny when you think about it.
Especially when you compare it to what they have presented.

 

[Orontes]

As to showing same sex marriage is a detriment to society in order to ban: societal detriment may or may not be true. What the parameters are to judge societal detriment would need to be clear. Regardless, and more to the point, I don't think anyone has asserted gay marriage must be banned. If gays wish to marry they may. The question is whether the state, must recognize and endorse the marriage. This means gay marriage advocates are making a demand on the state. As such, the onus is on the one making the demand, not the state (and by state one is referring to the larger citizenry who compose the state).

Let me illustrate the above. Imagine it is 1910 America. Women cannot vote. This may irk some. They feel women can speak to the politics of the state just as a man and should be entitled to do so. Making these kind of arguments is perfectly fine. Now if some women's suffrage group got a judge to rule women actually do have a right to vote because the Constitution notes free speech, or through some appeal to the equal access etc., such would be contrived as the claimed right doesn't exist. If the judge's ruling was then imposed i.e all voting stations must allow women to vote or the workers will be imprisoned or some other penalty, it would a usurpation of democratic process. What would actually to be need to be done is have the appropriate legislature pass a law allowing women to vote, or better still change the Constitution (which of course entails ratification). Laws, rights etc. are determined by the will of the people. There are no rights outside the will of the people. When this principle is abandoned then democracy suffers.

I agree.

Good.

And thus far those wanting the government to ban same sex marriage have failed miserably.

I haven't read all the posts in the thread, but I haven't read any arguing for a ban on same sex marriage. If someone did, it doesn't relate to Proposition 8. To ban a thing is to make illegal that thing. Gay marriage isn't illegal, it simply hasn't been given state endorsement. Prop. 8 turns on the question of government endorsement.

 

[McBell]

I haven't read all the posts in the thread, but I haven't read any arguing for a ban on same sex marriage. If someone did, it doesn't relate to Proposition 8. To ban a thing is to make illegal that thing. Gay marriage isn't illegal, it simply hasn't been given state endorsement. Prop. 8 turns on the question of government endorsement.

If you call a tail a leg, how many legs does a dog have?

 

[Orontes]

Yes, because any difference of opinion between you and the California Supreme Court must be a matter of them being wrong, because your superior legal interpretation is unquestionable.

Yes. Were one to appeal to authority on gay marriage rights, of course I could point to the actions of 39 state legislatures and supreme courts and three of the seven California Supreme Court Justices who agree with me. The reality is rights don't appear by fiat simply on the opinions of four people. Rights need to be the product of the citizenry: people need to be involved in the legal parameters of their society. It should not be imposed from above.

The will of the majority is present in the California Constitution. To uphold a law in California that violates it would itself be undemocratic.

The will of the majority is present in the California Constitution and that will does not speak to any gay marriage right. Pretending there is a gay marriage right in the California Constitution is either disingenuousness, an agenda or ignorance on display.

Same-sex marriage is not explicitly addressed in the California Constitution; neither is the requirement to have equal driver's licence qualifications for men and women. Both are included in the higher-level language of the Constitution that covers how a variety of rights and privileges are handed out.

There is no right to drivers licenses in the California Constitution. Per ability to actually operate a car there is no marked difference between men and women. They are "similarly situated". There are marked differences in performance both in gender and age which is why insurance rates vary based on gender and age. Heterosexual and homosexual marriages are not similarly situated. One can make people the other cannot.

I don't think you realize what you said, then. You attributed the existence of feral children to them ending up "without parents, either through death or some other issue." You've already said that state sanction of opposite-sex marriage causes a reduction in feral children; now, the only specific cause you've given for feral children is the death of their parents. The implication, then, is that opposite-sex marriage reduces mortality of parents, but I'm still a bit fuzzy on what the mechanism for this effect might be.

This is my statement you replied to: "That would depend on the state. In Western Europe up until the mid-Nineteenth Century there were fair numbers of children without parents, either through death or some other issue that lived on the margins of society. In Sub-Saharan Africa today this same issue persists." It is not an exclusive claim. "Death or some other issue" per the conjunction, means other factors also can lead to the absence of parents. I also mentioned abandonment. This was my further posting: "You asked about feral children, I explained this applies to children on the margins of society. Commensurate with a marriage contract, parents are identified and held responsible from their children. Absent this legal protocol children may be abandoned etc. as has happened historically and thus left to no one's care." The idea doesn't turn on death, but absence.

It would mean that the state would see benefits in increasing home ownership. When a government doles out benefits for home ownership, it's not because they want people who would own homes anyway to know that the government approves of what they're doing; programs like that are designed to encourage more people to buy homes than would have otherwise.

Increasing home ownership may very well be the goal. The point is the existence of a state benefit for a thing is not the same as the existence of that thing. If the state places a value on X it does not in the valuing necessarily create the X. The reason for the value may be to increase the amount of X or stymie its decrease.

You didn't do a very good job of explaining, then.

I think I've been quite clear. I've stated several times this basic point.

If we look at things in terms of costs and benefits to government, how would a deficit-budgeted government (i.e. where, on average, each taxpayer represents a net cost to the state) realize a benefit from increasing the population? More people would just help the country dig itself deeper into its hole faster.

If we look at things in terms of costs and benefits to society as a whole, how is there a clear benefit from population growth, when society's costs and benefits are subject to both economies and diseconomies of scale?

A budget deficit means at a base level more is spent than is taken in. The way to solve the issue to spend less or take in more. Regardless, tax payers are the base, by and through which, government revenues are taken in. More tax payers increases the tax base.

And if, for whatever reason, we accept your assessment of increase in the number of citizens as an absolute good in all cases, isn't this as strong an argument for open immigration as it is for natural population growth? After all, more citizens are better, period, right?

Personally, I think immigration is a good thing.

The principle that government programs and expenditures should be measured by their actual net effects is an error? How so?

No. the idea that whether the state demonstrates an interest or not. The state has a demonstrable interest.

The state giving benefits for home ownership means that they have deemed the increase in home ownership that those benefits would cause is a good thing. It says nothing about their approval of or the value they place on homes that people would own anyway.

I'm not sure I understand your comment, particularly what you underlined. When the state demonstrates an interest that interest may be to increase a thing or stop the decrease of a thing. Regardless the interest does not necessarily create the thing interested in.

That has nothing to do with marriage. In our society, the responsibilities of parenthood are tied to parenthood itself, not marriage. If an unmarried single parent were to abandon his or her child, that parent would be just as liable under the law as if a married parent were to do the same thing.

This is not correct. If someone marries they can be held responsible for all children of the household independent of physical parenthood.

 

[Orontes]

Increasing a thing implies that it is greater than what it would have been if the state hadn't intervened. Maintaining the existence of a thing implies that it would cease to exist if the state hadn't intervened. In either case, the sanction is intended to address the part of that thing that would exist because of the intervention, not the part that would exist if nothing was done.

I can't follow your comment. The three sentences seem disjointed. Per sentence one: increase doesn't imply something is greater (more?): increase means more by definition. Per sentence two: maintaining the existence of a thing does not indicate the absence of that maintenance is extinction. It does imply reduction however. Per three: any sanction indicates an interest (and assumed benefit) in the thing sanctioned. The reason for the sanction to increase a thing or maintain a thing is separate from the fact a sanction exists.

Yes, and the state has a very clear interest in sanctioning same-sex marriage.

Not according to any legislative act.

Nice creative quoting. Here's what I actually said, including the part just after where you ended the quote where I deal with all possibilities of population growth from positive through zero to negative

I couldn't follow what you wanted to say. You claimed without state sanction of marriage you'd have some population growth. This you labeled X. You then said X could be positive, negative or at zero. This contradicts the definition you gave for X (you'd have some population growth). Based on what I was getting I simply pointed out that there are many countries with negative growth.

Now... maybe you'll actually respond to my point.

Every country or region will have its natural population growth rate, whether strongly negative, strongly positive or something in between (what I called "X"). Every country will also have individual effects of marriage laws, which presumably vary by culture and region, which will impart some change in population growth, whether strongly negative, strongly positive or something in between (what I called "Y").

Also, presumably, every country has an optimum population growth rate based on its own particular needs and circumstances (let's call this "Z").

How can you be sure that in every single case everywhere, X + Y is closer to Z than X is by itself?

I've made no categorical claims on the end results of state sanctioning of marriage. I have pointed out that the state does sanction marriage. I haven't given any independent commentary on whether that is wise or not, or will accomplish a given goal. If it isn't doing what the state wants the state can repeal the sanction

Both countries have growing populations and major societal problems associated with this growth.

You stated India and China have run away populations. They do not. They have decreasing populations

So, what do you consider to be the optimum growth rate for the United States? Give a number, any number.

I don't know. I would have to put time into considering a number of things before I could answer.

No, it's not, but state sanction of marriage doesn't do that.

In a free society state endorsement/sanction of a thing is the only non-coercive tool that state has. If the attempt is ineffective the state may discontinue the regimen.

The rights, privileges and benefits of opposite-sex marriage are not tied to fertility or to the intent to have children. A man and woman incapable of having children themselves are free to marry in California.

In broad strokes, the terms of opposite-sex marriage are:

- both parties give willing consent (including any age tests for consent)
- the two parties aren't close relatives
- neither party is already married to someone else
- the two parties follow the government-instituted procedure to wed (including paying any fees, having a licenced officiant, blood tests in some jurisdictions, etc.)

Two people of the same sex are just as capable as an opposite sex couple in meeting all of these terms.

Same sex marriages cannot produce people, the other can. This is a base difference. People are important to a state. State sanction of a relation that can produce people is not same as a relation that cannot.

Note: as previously explained in the thread: one doesn't typically legislate from the margins. The majority of marriages produce children. If the state wanted to exclude marriage to fertile couples they could: it would depend on the will of the people.

They don't need to, because the law already reflects this... as I've pointed out many times.

Actually "they" do. Laws and rights claims need to reflect popular will not the penchants of the few alone.

 

[Orontes]

I haven't read all the posts in the thread, but I haven't read any arguing for a ban on same sex marriage. If someone did, it doesn't relate to Proposition 8. To ban a thing is to make illegal that thing. Gay marriage isn't illegal, it simply hasn't been given state endorsement. Prop. 8 turns on the question of government endorsement.

If you call a tail a leg, how many legs does a dog have?

I don't understand. Are you saying people get arrested if they marry? Are you saying the issue isn't about state endorsement? This is a post of mine from early in the thread that I think explains the issue:


"California already had a very broad civil union law. The civil union law provided all the base legal protections marriage entails. What has occurred via the California Supreme Court's action is a rights claim is being made. This right claim is the creation of four judges. This itself is startling as it is a usurpation of the democratic process, by and through which rights are determined. Now a rights claim is a demand that necessarily indicates the sanction and endorsement of the state and thus places obligations on the state. If gay marriage is a right (something that has never been determined for heterosexual marriage) then the state is obligated to insure there is no impingement of that right. This means that organizations that deny that right claim may be subject to state action. In simple terms, if a right to a thing exists, then the denial of that right by an organization may suffer civil penalties. An example would be the fate of Catholic adoption agencies and charities in Massachusetts all of which have now closed down. The affair is an attempt via the Judiciary to create social acceptability by the power of the state, when it is not considered so by vast members of society and then penalize disagreement. Proposition 8 is an attempt to correct this example of Judicial overreach. "

 

[McBell]

Actually "they" do. Laws and rights claims need to reflect popular will not the penchants of the few alone.

Really?
Then why is abortion legal?

 

[McBell]

I don't understand. Are you saying people get arrested if they marry? Are you saying the issue isn't about state endorsement? This is a post of mine from early in the thread that I think explains the issue:


"California already had a very broad civil union law. The civil union law provided all the base legal protections marriage entails. What has occurred via the California Supreme Court's action is a rights claim is being made. This right claim is the creation of four judges. This itself is startling as it is a usurpation of the democratic process, by and through which rights are determined. Now a rights claim is a demand that necessarily indicates the sanction and endorsement of the state and thus places obligations on the state. If gay marriage is a right (something that has never been determined for heterosexual marriage) then the state is obligated to insure there is no impingement of that right. This means that organizations that deny that right claim may be subject to state action. In simple terms, if a right to a thing exists, then the denial of that right by an organization may suffer civil penalties. An example would be the fate of Catholic adoption agencies and charities in Massachusetts all of which have now closed down. The affair is an attempt via the Judiciary to create social acceptability by the power of the state, when it is not considered so by vast members of society and then penalize disagreement. Proposition 8 is an attempt to correct this example of Judicial overreach. "

The answer to the question is four.
Calling a tail a leg does not make the tail a leg.

The sole purpose of proposition 8 is to prevent same sex marriage.
Claiming that it doe snot ban same sex marriage does not change the fact that it does.