The United States of America has taken branding seriously for a long time, having gone so far as to create a Department of Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs within the State Department which not only treats America as a brand, but argues that the country's fortunes may depend less on policy realities or traditional identity and behavior, than on brand marketing by experienced advertising and marketing executives. Democracy becomes less a system of governance than an enticing brand logo aimed at turning friends and adversaries alike into consumers of America the
product (democracy? Prosperity? Mom and apple pie?). As with consumer marketing in general, the producer of Brand USA works hard to convince consumers (Iraq, Afghanistan, Middle Europe, the Middle East) that "the message is one of empowerment, not American domination or even tutelage."
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Branding has become a staple of electoral and party politics. From that first inkling in 1966 that running for the presidency could be regarded as a branch of marketing... to Senator John Kerry's suggestion in 2005 that the Democratic Party needs to "unbrand" itself and then rebrand itself "more effectively" to regain its sway over American electoral consumers, party politics has become, among other things, an exercise of consumerism. Keeping brand purity by staying on message is a common preoccupation on the left and the right. Justifying his attacks on Republicans who will not toe his "no more taxes" line, Republican opinion leader Grover Norquist seizes on marketing prudence: "When you have a brand like Coca-Cola, and you find a rat head in a bottle, you create an outcry. Republicans who raises taxes are rat heads in Coke bottles. They endanger the brand."
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Brand America feels like a metaphor, yet it is much more than that, not a game version of politics but politics itself reconceived as the new public relations specialty known as public diplomacy. Public diplomacy not only defines a new office in the State Department, but has become an academic speciality with its own university departments. Its aim is to frame a global marketing strategy for Brand USA. The office of Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs at the State Department has clearly been regarded as a marketing center and has been staffed by marketing and advertising executives. It has assiduously followed the advice of Bush's former... Public Broadcasting Board of Governors chairman, Kenneth Y. Tomlinson. Tomlinson turned aside criticism that President Bush was running a national propaganda machine obsessed with image rather than policy by asserting, "We should not be ashamed of public advocacy on behalf of freedom and democracy and the United States of America." The bipartisan character of this brand approach to politics is evident in the branding work being done by liberal Democrats such as Keith Reinhard, who as CEO of advertising goliath DDB was responsible for, among other successes, McDonald's "You deserve a break today" campaign. Reinhard has developed a program called Business for Diplomatic Action in which he acknowledges that... Brand USA is in trouble, which is clearly a problem for business.
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The irony of Business for Diplomatic Action's well-intentioned initiative is that even "public" diplomacy is being subjected to privatization and outsourcing. At the same time, corporate brands are seeking their own "civic" luster. Marc Gobe's naive book called
Citizen Brand... urges companies to grasp "the fact... that brands must communicate who they are, and if they become true Citizen Brands, with aims of social responsibility as a core element of their corporate mission, they must-- very tactfully-- communicate this point of view!"
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Treating America as a brand puts image before substance and tries to influence brand consumers by associating the product with sentiments and emotions that have no necessary connection to the nation being pitched. In selling America, Karen Hughes takes a page from Kevin Roberts and Cheerios brand marketing: Cheerios wants to be about Mom rather than boring old oats, Karen Hughes wants America to be about Mom rather than about nasty old Guantanamo Bay or Abu Gharib. Introducing herself on a "listening" tour of the Middle east as just a regular "working Mom" rather than as a Bush intimate associated with policies Muslims deplore, she hoped to divert attention from earned resentments to unearned sentiments.
As astute an observer of American policy as political scientist Shelby Telhami seems also to play Robert's game when he defends public diplomacy by insisting that "the best-lasting public diplomacy isn't propaganda. It's more about created a level of trust." Yet when a nation strives to create trust through public relations rather than policy, that
is propaganda.
...the branding approach prizes communication over content, and assumes that a poor image is always the consequences of poor advertising. Democrats and liberals too, no less than Republicans or libertarians, focus on "communicating" properly--framing and reframing positions and finding the right words to describe what are in truth often the wrong positions. Democrats attacked the Bush administration for being out-imaged by Osama bin Laden. "How can a man in a cave outcommunicate the world's leading communication society?" asks a frustrated Richard Holbrooke. Linguist George Lakoff moonlighting for the Democratic Party advisor believes winning votes is all about framing what you do rather than about what you do. Republicans, he admonishes, have branded their kind of leadership "stern father" leadership, leaving the Democrats to look like bad parents. What they need to do is rebrand themselves as nurturing parents (a less gendered and hence politically correct version of "they're playing Dad, let's play Mom!"). This game fails to notice that both the stern father and the nurturing parent images infantilize voters by substituting p/materialism for democratic politics, shoving aside the idea of active citizenship, whose practitioners are not the pliant children of their leaders but the sovereign citizens of the communities in which they live. The language of grown-up democratic politics moves necessarily away from the brand game and back to democratic political theory and practice, where branding appears as what it is, an insidious corruption of democratic ideals and practices.