dust1n
Zindīq
Source?
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Study: Everyone hates environmentalists and feminists
- Thread starter Ben Dhyan
- Start date
Source?
That's completely missing the point. I don't think anyone can say that Leifeldian proportions are there to titillate women.
The message with that depiction is quite clear: men are big and strong, women are small (except in the chest and glutes) and fragile.
It's not about "attainment." Women aren't depicted in hyper-sexualized ways to tell women that that's how they should be. They're depicted like that to sell products through titillation of the male audience.
IOW, the big, muscular male is what the young male audience wants to be, and the hyper-sexualized women are their prizes. This is fine in deliberately juvenile comedy games like Duke Nukem 3D or softcore porn games like DOA XTreme Beach Vollyball. This is NOT okay when trying to tell a deep, compelling, mature story like Mass Effect or The Witcher.
In your subculture, perhaps. In mine, women are harassed FAR more by men than vice-versa (the fact that these same men often harass other men is no excuse). It's not just sexual harassment; it's just harassment in general.
If you have access, boot up Halo or Call of Duty, play a few matches posing as a woman, and watch what happens.
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Replace the tpo "rug" for rights and it may seem more readable?
Edit: by tpo. i meant tpo but The pertinency of the mistake prevented me from directly editing that aaway
Edit2: typo xD
Ah. Gotcha.
I'd say there's a very real goal, at least where I stand.
Me Myself
Back to my username
Agreed. What I mean its that at its core. Feminism was born as something to give rights to women (which was and is a necessary goal) but there was no roof to it. Probably or maybe because in such an underdog fight they wouldnt have expected to need any.
The "equal rights for all genders" is a roof because it means women's eights shouldnt be above men's rights.
I stopped playing Starcraft with a clearly female username (my name with numbers after it) because of harassment. I switched to using usernames that were not gendered at all, which leads people to assume it's a male, and the harassment stopped. It was nice.
That was years ago though, I don't know what would happen if I tried it again with Starcraft 2, and I haven't played that in months anyway.
They had three samples for the pilot studies alone (there were 5 main studies apart from the 3 pilots):
PILOT STUDIES A AND B
Method
Participants in Pilot Study A were 13 male and 26 female Americans recruited online via Amazon's Mechanical Turk (Mage = 37.59 years, SD = 12.32) who received $0.20. Participants in Pilot Study B were 49 male and 92 female undergraduate students (Mage = 19.44 years, SD = 2.02) who received course credit or $10.
Participants in Pilot Study A were randomly assigned to rate the extent to which 12 militant/aggressive (e.g. aggressive and forceful), 9 eccentric/unconventional (e.g. eccentric and unusual) and 12 personable (friendly and pleasant; all Cronbach's αs > .91) traits, which were selected on the basis of past research on feminist stereotypes (Berryman-Fink & Verderber, 1985; Twenge & Zucker, 1991), were characteristic of either a typical feminist or a typical American. Ratings were made along 7-point scales anchored at 1 (not at all characteristic of a typical feminist/American) and 7 (very characteristic of a typical feminist/American).
In Pilot Study B, participants assigned to one condition rated the extent to which 12 militant/aggressive (e.g. militant and abrasive), 14 eccentric/unconventional (e.g. eccentric and odd-looking) and 12 personable (e.g. pleasant and personable; all αs > .81) traits were characteristic of a typical environmentalist. We note that these traits overlapped heavily with those used in aforementioned Pilot Study A but were selected on the basis of representations of environmentalists in sociological texts and government reports (Brown, 2007; FBI, 2001). Participants assigned to a second condition rated a typical university student, an individual whom student participants would view as a more mainstream member of society, on the same traits. Ratings were made along 7-point scales anchored at 1 (not at all characteristic of a typical environmentalist/student) and 7 (very characteristic of a typical environmentalist/student).
Results
Pilot Study A
Independent t-tests revealed that participants viewed both militant and eccentric traits to be more characteristic of typical feminists (Mmilitant = 5.36, SD = 1.26; Meccentric = 4.67, SD = 1.29) than of typical Americans (Mmilitant = 4.05, SD = 1.23; Meccentric = 3.18, SD = 0.91), ts > 3.25, ps < .003, rs > .47. Personable traits, in comparison, were viewed as less characteristic of typical feminists (M = 3.55, SD = 1.29) than of typical Americans (M = 4.60, SD = 0.69), t(37) = 3.31, p = .002, r = .48.
Pilot Study B
Two participants who were asked to rate a typical student and indicated that there is no such thing as a typical student were excluded. Thus, 49 male and 90 female participants were included in analyses. As was the case for feminists, participants viewed typical environmentalists (Meccentric = 5.06, SD = 0.60; Mmilitant = 3.59, SD = 0.79; Mpersonable = 4.09, SD = 0.64) as more eccentric, more militant and less personable than typical students (Meccentric = 3.92, SD = 0.52; Mmilitant = 3.29, SD = 0.57; Mpersonable = 4.54, SD = 0.56), ts > 2.25, ps < .04, rs > .19.1
Pilot Study C
Pilot Studies A and B indicate that individuals have negative stereotypes of two key activist groups: feminists and environmentalists. Given that the traits included in these pilot studies were selected from previous research and scholarly texts (e.g. Brown, 2007; Twenge & Zucker, 1991), we used these pilot studies as a basis for creating the stereotype measures used in Studies 13. We also, however, conducted an additional pilot study to verify that the traits identified in Pilot Studies A and B are not simply an artefact of the specific traits included in these initial pilot studies. We then used the traits identified in this additional pilot study to create the stereotype measure for Studies 4 and 5. In Pilot Study C, participants generated their own traits of typical feminists and environmentalists.
Method
Participants were 228 Americans recruited online via Amazon's Mechanical Turk (Mage = 33.75 years, SD = 11.71) who received $0.60. There were 92 male and 131 female participants. Five participants did not identify their biological sex. Participants generated 20 traits characteristic of a typical feminist and 20 traits characteristic of a typical environmentalist. The order of tasks was counterbalanced across participants.
Results
As predicted, the majority of traits that participants listed as being characteristic of typical feminists and environmentalists were militant/aggressive and eccentric/unconventional traits. Table 1 contains the 30 most frequently listed traits for each group. Specifically, feminists were described in terms of militant/aggressive traits, such as man hating and forceful, and with eccentric/unconventional traits, such as behaves like a man and unhygienic. Environmentalists were described in terms of militant/aggressive traits, such as militant and forceful, and eccentric/unconventional traits, such as eccentric and tree-hugger. Participants listed additional traits describing feminists or environmentalists that did not fall obviously into either of these categories (e.g. animal lover and Democrat). Overall, however, the traits provided were overwhelmingly negative, with only a handful of more positive traits (e.g. caring and educated) appearing on either list. Thus, it appears that individuals have negative perceptions of both feminists and environmentalists, viewing them primarily as aggressive militants and unconventional eccentrics rather than as pleasant and personable individuals. Notably, although we did not ask participants to describe either environmental or feminist activists per se, they spontaneously ascribed this trait to both groups: activist was one of the top 10 most frequently listed traits for both groups.
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From the study's conclusions:
"The present research shows that individuals' stereotypes of activists influence their support for social change. Previously, researchers have attempted to understand resistance to social change by examining individuals' perceptions of social issues, attitudes towards social change and personality traits (e.g. Feygina et al., 2010; Hodson & Esses, 2002; van Zomeren et al., 2008). The present research, in comparison, assesses the extent to which individuals' stereotypes of activists, the agents of social change, increase resistance to social change. Individuals believe that it is important and socially desirable to support social change (Beattie, 2010; Nelson et al., 2008), which suggests that they should view activists favourably and be receptive to their efforts. Unfortunately, however, the very nature of activism leads to negative stereotyping: By aggressively promoting change and advocating unconventional practices, activists become associated with hostile militancy and unconventionality or eccentricity. Indeed, we show that the tendency to associate typical activists with these negative stereotypes mediates individuals' unfavourable reactions to the activists. Specifically, individuals avoid affiliating with typical activists (Studies 1 and 35) because they view them as militant/aggressive and eccentric/unconventional. Furthermore, this tendency to associate activists with negative stereotypes and perceive them as people with whom it would be unpleasant to affiliate reduces individuals' motivation to adopt the pro-change behaviours that activists advocate (Studies 24). This research indicates, therefore, that stereotypes and person perception processes more generally influence individuals' receptiveness to activists and their pro-change initiatives.
Our studies also reveal the nuances of these effects by showing that individuals do not avoid affiliating with and adopting the behaviours advocated by all activists. Indeed, although participants reacted negatively to the typical activists, their willingness to affiliate with and adopt the behaviours advocated by atypical activists and undefined targets did not differ. This suggests that it is not mere membership in an activist group but rather the degree to which an activist conforms to group stereotypes that influences perceivers' reactions. Whereas individuals may avoid affiliating with and emulating activists who seem to conform to activist stereotypes, they may be more receptive to activists who defy these stereotypes by coming across as pleasant and approachable.
The present findings also contribute theoretically by illustrating effects that differ from those observed in research on message source typicality. On the basis of source typicality research (Ziegler & Diehl, 2011; Ziegler, Diehl, & Ruther, 2002), individuals should respond more favourably to messages containing strong arguments and less favourably to messages containing weak arguments when they are delivered by an atypical activist rather than a typical activist or undefined target. Indeed, atypical activists possess atypical combinations of personality traits (i.e. personable and environmentalist), whereas typical activists and undefined targets do not. According to source typicality research, therefore, atypical activists should disconfirm perceivers' expectations and elicit greater information processing. In our studies, however, participants responded similarly to the message delivered by the atypical activists and undefined targets.
Researchers have also examined message source typicality in terms of the fit between the position advocated in a message (e.g. pro-environmental stance) and the message source (e.g. director of an environmental group versus CEO of an oil company; Eagly, Wood, & Chaiken, 1978). In our studies, both the typical and atypical activists were portrayed as individuals who advocate social change whereas the undefined targets were not. Indeed, participants in Study 3 viewed the typical and atypical environmentalists to be similarly environmentally friendly, t(96) = .06, p = .96, and significantly more environmentally friendly than the undefined target, ts > 5.51, ps < .001. Source typicality research would suggest, therefore, that individuals should respond similarly to messages delivered by typical and atypical activists and differently to messages delivered by these targets versus undefined targets. We show, however, that individuals differed in their pro-change behavioural intentions when these behaviours were advocated by typical versus atypical activists but not when these behaviours were advocated by atypical activists versus undefined targets. Thus, whereas our data are consistent with the argument that stereotypes influence individuals' reactions to activists, they are inconsistent with alternative explanations based on source typicality research.
Although we examined the implications of activist stereotypes for social change by focusing on two key activist groups, we argue that the militant and eccentric traits that characterize these groups also characterize a variety of activist groups (e.g. gay rights, political democracy and Occupy Wall Street activists). Some activist groups (e.g. gun control advocates) maybe less likely to engage in overtly aggressive advocacy and may, therefore, be less likely to be perceived as militant. We note, however, that many of the stereotypical traits generated by participants in Pilot Study C describe activists as argumentative and confrontational but not necessarily violent (e.g. forceful, self-righteous, assertive and overreactive). Because it is possible for individuals to be argumentative and confrontational even when advocating causes that explicitly condemn violence, individuals may associate militant and eccentric traits even with those activist groups that exemplify these traits less overtly than do feminists and environmentalists. In future research, it will be important to assess these possibilities directly.
We examined individuals' reactions to activists without considering perceivers' own identity as activists. Activist and nonactivist perceivers may, however, respond differently to activist targets. Indeed, because individuals generally view ingroup members positively (Sherif, Harvey, White, Hood, & Sherif 1961; Tajfel & Turner, 1979), activist perceivers may respond relatively favourably to typical activists. On the other hand, because individuals have especially unfavourable impressions of group members who perform undesirable behaviours (Marques, Yzerbyt, & Leyens, 1988), activist perceivers who condemn the use of militant methods to promote social change (e.g. atypical activists) may react particularly negatively to typical activists. In future work, researchers may wish to examine whether perceiver identity moderates reactions to activists.
For many activists, the willingness to take a radical stand without regard for mainstream sensibilities is a point of pride. Indeed, environmental activist and author of Tree Spiker Mike Roselle (as cited in Olafsson, 2009) defends his militant efforts to protect the environment, noting, I don't think there's anything extreme about saying we have to stop pumping carbon into the air. If we're extremists, so be it. The stakes are too high (para. 6). The present research suggests, however, that such seemingly zealous dedication to a social cause may backfire and elicit unfavourable reactions from others. Indeed, individuals avoid affiliating with typical activists and adopting the pro-change behaviours that these activists advocate because individuals associate them with negative stereotypes. Ironically and despite good intentions, therefore, the very individuals who are most actively engaged in promoting social change may inadvertently alienate members of the public and reduce pro-change motivation."
"The present research shows that individuals' stereotypes of activists influence their support for social change. Previously, researchers have attempted to understand resistance to social change by examining individuals' perceptions of social issues, attitudes towards social change and personality traits (e.g. Feygina et al., 2010; Hodson & Esses, 2002; van Zomeren et al., 2008). The present research, in comparison, assesses the extent to which individuals' stereotypes of activists, the agents of social change, increase resistance to social change. Individuals believe that it is important and socially desirable to support social change (Beattie, 2010; Nelson et al., 2008), which suggests that they should view activists favourably and be receptive to their efforts. Unfortunately, however, the very nature of activism leads to negative stereotyping: By aggressively promoting change and advocating unconventional practices, activists become associated with hostile militancy and unconventionality or eccentricity. Indeed, we show that the tendency to associate typical activists with these negative stereotypes mediates individuals' unfavourable reactions to the activists. Specifically, individuals avoid affiliating with typical activists (Studies 1 and 35) because they view them as militant/aggressive and eccentric/unconventional. Furthermore, this tendency to associate activists with negative stereotypes and perceive them as people with whom it would be unpleasant to affiliate reduces individuals' motivation to adopt the pro-change behaviours that activists advocate (Studies 24). This research indicates, therefore, that stereotypes and person perception processes more generally influence individuals' receptiveness to activists and their pro-change initiatives.
Our studies also reveal the nuances of these effects by showing that individuals do not avoid affiliating with and adopting the behaviours advocated by all activists. Indeed, although participants reacted negatively to the typical activists, their willingness to affiliate with and adopt the behaviours advocated by atypical activists and undefined targets did not differ. This suggests that it is not mere membership in an activist group but rather the degree to which an activist conforms to group stereotypes that influences perceivers' reactions. Whereas individuals may avoid affiliating with and emulating activists who seem to conform to activist stereotypes, they may be more receptive to activists who defy these stereotypes by coming across as pleasant and approachable.
The present findings also contribute theoretically by illustrating effects that differ from those observed in research on message source typicality. On the basis of source typicality research (Ziegler & Diehl, 2011; Ziegler, Diehl, & Ruther, 2002), individuals should respond more favourably to messages containing strong arguments and less favourably to messages containing weak arguments when they are delivered by an atypical activist rather than a typical activist or undefined target. Indeed, atypical activists possess atypical combinations of personality traits (i.e. personable and environmentalist), whereas typical activists and undefined targets do not. According to source typicality research, therefore, atypical activists should disconfirm perceivers' expectations and elicit greater information processing. In our studies, however, participants responded similarly to the message delivered by the atypical activists and undefined targets.
Researchers have also examined message source typicality in terms of the fit between the position advocated in a message (e.g. pro-environmental stance) and the message source (e.g. director of an environmental group versus CEO of an oil company; Eagly, Wood, & Chaiken, 1978). In our studies, both the typical and atypical activists were portrayed as individuals who advocate social change whereas the undefined targets were not. Indeed, participants in Study 3 viewed the typical and atypical environmentalists to be similarly environmentally friendly, t(96) = .06, p = .96, and significantly more environmentally friendly than the undefined target, ts > 5.51, ps < .001. Source typicality research would suggest, therefore, that individuals should respond similarly to messages delivered by typical and atypical activists and differently to messages delivered by these targets versus undefined targets. We show, however, that individuals differed in their pro-change behavioural intentions when these behaviours were advocated by typical versus atypical activists but not when these behaviours were advocated by atypical activists versus undefined targets. Thus, whereas our data are consistent with the argument that stereotypes influence individuals' reactions to activists, they are inconsistent with alternative explanations based on source typicality research.
Although we examined the implications of activist stereotypes for social change by focusing on two key activist groups, we argue that the militant and eccentric traits that characterize these groups also characterize a variety of activist groups (e.g. gay rights, political democracy and Occupy Wall Street activists). Some activist groups (e.g. gun control advocates) maybe less likely to engage in overtly aggressive advocacy and may, therefore, be less likely to be perceived as militant. We note, however, that many of the stereotypical traits generated by participants in Pilot Study C describe activists as argumentative and confrontational but not necessarily violent (e.g. forceful, self-righteous, assertive and overreactive). Because it is possible for individuals to be argumentative and confrontational even when advocating causes that explicitly condemn violence, individuals may associate militant and eccentric traits even with those activist groups that exemplify these traits less overtly than do feminists and environmentalists. In future research, it will be important to assess these possibilities directly.
We examined individuals' reactions to activists without considering perceivers' own identity as activists. Activist and nonactivist perceivers may, however, respond differently to activist targets. Indeed, because individuals generally view ingroup members positively (Sherif, Harvey, White, Hood, & Sherif 1961; Tajfel & Turner, 1979), activist perceivers may respond relatively favourably to typical activists. On the other hand, because individuals have especially unfavourable impressions of group members who perform undesirable behaviours (Marques, Yzerbyt, & Leyens, 1988), activist perceivers who condemn the use of militant methods to promote social change (e.g. atypical activists) may react particularly negatively to typical activists. In future work, researchers may wish to examine whether perceiver identity moderates reactions to activists.
For many activists, the willingness to take a radical stand without regard for mainstream sensibilities is a point of pride. Indeed, environmental activist and author of Tree Spiker Mike Roselle (as cited in Olafsson, 2009) defends his militant efforts to protect the environment, noting, I don't think there's anything extreme about saying we have to stop pumping carbon into the air. If we're extremists, so be it. The stakes are too high (para. 6). The present research suggests, however, that such seemingly zealous dedication to a social cause may backfire and elicit unfavourable reactions from others. Indeed, individuals avoid affiliating with typical activists and adopting the pro-change behaviours that these activists advocate because individuals associate them with negative stereotypes. Ironically and despite good intentions, therefore, the very individuals who are most actively engaged in promoting social change may inadvertently alienate members of the public and reduce pro-change motivation."
DallasApple
Depends Upon My Mood..
Well I'm a feminist Nazi destroying "the church" and society as we know it!..I gather with my Nazi comarades in gaggles and we cackle in our coups as the earth implodes from our deeds .....:tribal:
So YOU'RE the one! Why didn't I see you at last month's meeting?
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Things are only getting worse, I understand.
Women at conventions are frequently accused of being "fake geek girls", especially if they're even remotely attractive, and treated as outcasts from one of the largest outcast subculture. Most ironic, and frankly shameful.
Interesting and terrible. I have a few friends in that culture and I didn't know that. Thank you. I'll have to ask. I don't know why I assumed things would not be like that. Hm.
DallasApple
Depends Upon My Mood..
I'm a high priestess . You would not be seeing me unless you are high ranking.Look to the trees when the wind is 30 + mph in a full moon...you will see me then...
That would explain it. I'm a mere grunt. I hope you can put in a good recommendation for me.
*cue Lord of the Rings music*Look to the trees when the wind is 30 + mph in a full moon...you will see me then...
This particular manifestation of harassment is fairly recent, and it's still a minority of male geeks who are the perps. But it's still far too many.
Even F-Grade internet personality Nixie Pixel had it happen to her, and her youtube channel is all about Linux and the open source world! That's as geeky as geeky can get!!
In your opinion, how recent (in rough years) would you say it is (I was not kidding when I said I wanted to look into this; also, it better not be happening to Felicia Day)?
I first started hearing about it... late last year, I believe, when an episode of Jimquisition, a topical rant show, went over the issue. Considering how much I keep up with social networks, etc.(that is, not at all), it was probably going on longer than that.
Thank you
DallasApple
Depends Upon My Mood..
I'm in the yellow and green cloud ..and next to the moon..this information is sensitive . I'm only sharing as long as you do not interrupt the mission.
[youtube]Wflx18gM2xs[/youtube]
Winds Over Neo-Tokyo AKIRA Symphonic Suite-3
I will guard it with my very life!
*Immediately tweets all three and a half of his friends*
DallasApple
Depends Upon My Mood..
Who is the half ?:ninja: I might have to turn you in. :wolverine: