Clizby Wampuscat
Well-Known Member
I thought I would start a thread to discuss the actual ruling and what it says and what it does not say. Some people are saying this allows presidents to do anything or are kings now. These accusations are false and should be retracted. Here is what it actually says.
Here is what Trump is claiming from page 1:
Trump moved to dismiss the indictment based on Presidential immunity, arguing that a President has absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for actions performed within the outer perimeter of his official responsibilities, and that the indictment's allegations fell within the core of his official duties. The District Court denied Trump's motion to dismiss, holding that former Presidents do not possess federal criminal immunity for any acts.
The court decided Page 1:
Under our constitutional structure of separated powers, the nature of Presidential power entitles a former President to absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for actions within his conclusive and preclusive constitutional authority. And he is entitled to at least presumptive immunity from prosecution for all his official acts. There is no immunity for unofficial acts.
They only decided on immunity for official acts not unofficial acts. On page 2 they say His authority to act necessarily stems either from an act of Congress or from the constitution itself. (Youngstown Sheet vs Sawyer).
When the President exercises such authority, Congress cannot act on, and courts cannot examine, the President’s actions. It follows that an Act of Congress—either a specific one targeted at the President or a generally applicable one—may not criminalize the President’s actions within his exclusive constitutional power. Neither may the courts adjudicate a criminal prosecution that examines such Presidential actions. The Court thus concludes that the President is absolutely immune from criminal prosecution for conduct within his exclusive sphere of constitutional authority.
This makes sense that congress cannot make a law that forces the President to break the law. The president is immune to criminal prosecution based on their duties to execute the laws congress passes.
Not all of the President’s official acts fall within his “conclusive and preclusive” authority. The reasons that justify the President’s absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for acts within the scope of his exclusive constitutional authority do not extend to conduct in areas where his authority is shared with Congress.
It goes on to say a president needs to be able to make decisions without having in the back of their mind a possible criminal charge.
The Framers designed the Presidency to provide for a “vigorous” and “energetic” Executive. The Federalist No. 70, pp. 471–472 (J. Cooke ed. 1961) (A. Hamilton). They vested the President with “supervisory and policy responsibilities of utmost discretion and sensitivity.” Nixon v. Fitzgerald, 457 U. S. 731, 750. Appreciating the “unique
risks” that arise when the President’s energies are diverted by proceedings that might render him “unduly cautious in the discharge of his official duties,” the Court has recognized Presidential immunities and privileges “rooted in the constitutional tradition of the separation of powers and supported by our history.
The clarify about presidential subpoenas and getting evidence from presidents do not have absolute immunity but they have executive privilege.
By contrast, when prosecutors have sought evidence from the President, the Court has consistently rejected Presidential claims of absolute immunity. During the treason trial of former Vice President Aaron Burr, for instance, Chief Justice Marshall rejected President Thomas Jefferson’s claim that the President could not be subjected to a subpoena. Marshall simultaneously recognized, however, the existence of a “privilege” to withhold certain “official paper
They agreed with this ruling about what prosecutors must show to criminally charge a president.
At a minimum, the President must be immune from prosecution for an official act unless the Government can show that applying a criminal prohibition to that act would pose no “dangers of intrusion on the authority and functions of the Executive Branch.” Fitzgerald, 457 U. S., at 754. Pp. 12–15.
They make it clear the President has no immunity for unofficial acts
The President enjoys no immunity for his unofficial acts, and not everything the President does is official. The President is not above the law. But under our system of
separated powers, the President may not be prosecuted for exercising his core constitutional powers, and he is entitled to at least presumptive immunity from prosecution for his official acts. That immunity applies equally to all occupants of the Oval Office.
Prosecutors must show any acts that they want to criminally charge for was done as an unofficial act.
So basically presidents have presumptive immunity for official acts but none for unofficial acts and prosecutors need to show the acts were not an official act to prosecute them. There is a lot more in the decision, history and citing many past cases.
These quotes from the left are lies:
"The framers of the Constitution envisioned a democracy governed by the rule of law and the consent of the American people. They did not intend for our nation to be ruled by a king or monarch who could act with absolute impunity. - Hakeem Jefferies
"This decision will give Donald Trump cover to do exactly what he's been saying that he wants to do for months, which is an act of revenge and retribution against his political enemies. Quenton Fulks - Bidens campaign manager
"This is a sad day for America and a sad day for our democracy. The very basis of our judicial system is that no one is above the law. Treason or incitement of an insurrection should not be considered a core constitutional power afforded to a president." Chuck Schumer
These are lies that should be rejected based the actual decision. You can be against the decision but at least be against the decision and not against what you think is the decision.
Here is what Trump is claiming from page 1:
Trump moved to dismiss the indictment based on Presidential immunity, arguing that a President has absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for actions performed within the outer perimeter of his official responsibilities, and that the indictment's allegations fell within the core of his official duties. The District Court denied Trump's motion to dismiss, holding that former Presidents do not possess federal criminal immunity for any acts.
The court decided Page 1:
Under our constitutional structure of separated powers, the nature of Presidential power entitles a former President to absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for actions within his conclusive and preclusive constitutional authority. And he is entitled to at least presumptive immunity from prosecution for all his official acts. There is no immunity for unofficial acts.
They only decided on immunity for official acts not unofficial acts. On page 2 they say His authority to act necessarily stems either from an act of Congress or from the constitution itself. (Youngstown Sheet vs Sawyer).
When the President exercises such authority, Congress cannot act on, and courts cannot examine, the President’s actions. It follows that an Act of Congress—either a specific one targeted at the President or a generally applicable one—may not criminalize the President’s actions within his exclusive constitutional power. Neither may the courts adjudicate a criminal prosecution that examines such Presidential actions. The Court thus concludes that the President is absolutely immune from criminal prosecution for conduct within his exclusive sphere of constitutional authority.
This makes sense that congress cannot make a law that forces the President to break the law. The president is immune to criminal prosecution based on their duties to execute the laws congress passes.
Not all of the President’s official acts fall within his “conclusive and preclusive” authority. The reasons that justify the President’s absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for acts within the scope of his exclusive constitutional authority do not extend to conduct in areas where his authority is shared with Congress.
It goes on to say a president needs to be able to make decisions without having in the back of their mind a possible criminal charge.
The Framers designed the Presidency to provide for a “vigorous” and “energetic” Executive. The Federalist No. 70, pp. 471–472 (J. Cooke ed. 1961) (A. Hamilton). They vested the President with “supervisory and policy responsibilities of utmost discretion and sensitivity.” Nixon v. Fitzgerald, 457 U. S. 731, 750. Appreciating the “unique
risks” that arise when the President’s energies are diverted by proceedings that might render him “unduly cautious in the discharge of his official duties,” the Court has recognized Presidential immunities and privileges “rooted in the constitutional tradition of the separation of powers and supported by our history.
The clarify about presidential subpoenas and getting evidence from presidents do not have absolute immunity but they have executive privilege.
By contrast, when prosecutors have sought evidence from the President, the Court has consistently rejected Presidential claims of absolute immunity. During the treason trial of former Vice President Aaron Burr, for instance, Chief Justice Marshall rejected President Thomas Jefferson’s claim that the President could not be subjected to a subpoena. Marshall simultaneously recognized, however, the existence of a “privilege” to withhold certain “official paper
[s]
.” United States v. Burr, 25 F. Cas. 187, 192 (No. 14,694) (CC Va.). And when a subpoena issued to President Richard Nixon, the Court rejected his claim of “absolute privilege.” United States v. Nixon, 418 U. S. 683, 703.They agreed with this ruling about what prosecutors must show to criminally charge a president.
At a minimum, the President must be immune from prosecution for an official act unless the Government can show that applying a criminal prohibition to that act would pose no “dangers of intrusion on the authority and functions of the Executive Branch.” Fitzgerald, 457 U. S., at 754. Pp. 12–15.
They make it clear the President has no immunity for unofficial acts
The President enjoys no immunity for his unofficial acts, and not everything the President does is official. The President is not above the law. But under our system of
separated powers, the President may not be prosecuted for exercising his core constitutional powers, and he is entitled to at least presumptive immunity from prosecution for his official acts. That immunity applies equally to all occupants of the Oval Office.
Prosecutors must show any acts that they want to criminally charge for was done as an unofficial act.
So basically presidents have presumptive immunity for official acts but none for unofficial acts and prosecutors need to show the acts were not an official act to prosecute them. There is a lot more in the decision, history and citing many past cases.
These quotes from the left are lies:
"The framers of the Constitution envisioned a democracy governed by the rule of law and the consent of the American people. They did not intend for our nation to be ruled by a king or monarch who could act with absolute impunity. - Hakeem Jefferies
"This decision will give Donald Trump cover to do exactly what he's been saying that he wants to do for months, which is an act of revenge and retribution against his political enemies. Quenton Fulks - Bidens campaign manager
"This is a sad day for America and a sad day for our democracy. The very basis of our judicial system is that no one is above the law. Treason or incitement of an insurrection should not be considered a core constitutional power afforded to a president." Chuck Schumer
These are lies that should be rejected based the actual decision. You can be against the decision but at least be against the decision and not against what you think is the decision.
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