One achievement of the reign of Justinian II, according to the biographer of Pope John V (685–86), was that “the province of Africa was subjugated and restored to Roman rule.” No explanation is given in this or any other Christian source, but there is a possible allusion here to the success of a Berber chief called Kusayla. We only know of him from Muslim sources, which give a very confused picture of his career, complicated by his later image as a heroic defender of his native lands and people.
The earliest writer simply says that he was a Christian and that in 683 he fought and killed two of the Arab heroes of the conquest of Africa: ‘Uqba ibn Nafi‘ and Abu al-Muhajir. The next source chronologically adds a few important details: Kusayla’s army consisted of “Byzantines and Berbers,” it won a victory at Tahuda, ancient Thabudeos, in Numidia (eastern Algeria), and it then went on to capture Qayrawan.
Muslim sources tend to say that Kusayla was defeated very soon afterward, but the notice from Pope John V’s biographer implies that Kusayla achieved something more lasting. Moreover, it is unlikely that the Arab governor in Egypt would have had troops to spare during the civil war years.
A later historian makes the reasonable observation that Kusayla was in charge of Africa and resided in Qayrawan until ‘Abd al-Malik’s rule was consolidated, and then, in 689, he sent the general in charge of the frontier at Barqa to regain control of Africa. As this Arab general advanced on Qayrawan, Kusayla withdrew from the city, since it did not yet have defensive walls, and took up position at nearby Mammis, which allowed easy escape into the Dorsal Mountains. It was the site chosen by the Berber leader Cusina to confront the Byzantines in 534 and unfortunately for Kusayla he suffered the same fate as Cusina: defeat by his enemy after a long and hard-fought battle.
...
There was one remaining task for Hassan to accomplish in Africa, namely, to remove the last Berber challenger to the Arabs, a woman most often referred to simply as “the prophetess” (kahina). Kusayla is sometimes referred to as “son of the prophetess,” which may mean that this enigmatic Berber woman who takes up his mantle was actually his mother. It is extremely difficult, however, to get any sense of whom she represented and what she stood for, since the earliest sources are very brief and the later ones tend to be imbued with a sense of legend and mystery.
Our earliest Muslim source notes only that in 692 Hassan ibn Nu‘man raided and conquered the Aures and that in 694 “the prophetess was killed,” while a tenth-century Christian chronicler places under the year 697 the notice: “Hassan ibn Nu‘man engaged in battle the queen of the Berbers and she defeated him and all his men.” Possibly Hassan twice fought this queen of the Berbers—the first time he was defeated and the second time he was victorious and killed her; but given the confusion, all one can do is assign a loose date to her rebellion of the mid-690s. The Aures, the mountain range of eastern Algeria, is the place where a Berber leader named Iaudas had held sway in the 530s and 540s, and it is possible that an independent Berber polity had survived in this region from the early sixth to the late seventh century. Besides these meager scraps of information, there are lengthy tales of the prophetess’s gift of second sight, which allowed her to foresee her defeat at the hands of Hassan, and of her tragic aspect, riding heroically into battle, her long hair splayed out behind her, doomed to fight to the last all the while aware of her fate. Yet she is not just a symbol of the old, but also of the new, for she commends her two sons to the care of an Arab she had captured, who did as she predicted and ensured that these boys received a guarantee of protection from Hassan and posts in the new conquering armies. Not just her immediate family, therefore, but also her people survived and continued to prosper, enjoying a new future marching alongside the Arab conquerors.5
Having achieved both his objectives, Hassan returned to Qayrawan and set about the task of establishing a functioning government in this large and unwieldy province. He built a congregational mosque, set up a chancellery, and fixed the tax to be paid by “the Africans and the Berbers who were, like them, devotees of Christianity.” Muslim sources at this point make the casual but curious remark that “most of these Christian Berbers were baranis, with only a few from the butr.” Unfortunately it is never explained what is meant by this and the Romans/Byzantines before them never made such a distinction, but rather spoke simply of Moors, occasionally of barbarians...
We cannot be sure how this distinction relates to the people themselves, but it is likely to be connected with the fact that the butr Berbers hail from Cyrenaica and Tripolitania in the east (modern Libya), where the desert predominated, Romanization was weak, and paganism lingered on, whereas the baranis were principally in the west, which had greater agricultural wealth and was more thoroughly Romanized and Christianized. During the great Berber revolt of the 540s the Byzantines had striven to pacify and win over those in the western interior, but those in the east—especially the Luwata tribe, whose ferocity and barbarity was recalled with horror—had to be “banished beyond our borders.” In the time of the Arab conquests it was the east that saw peaceful acquiescence, especially from the Luwata, whereas in the west there were the major insurrections of Kusayla and “the prophetess” involving Byzantine and Berber troops. Plausibly, then, the less Romanized/Christianized easterners were more willing to collaborate with the Arabs than their western neighbors, and the Arabs may have noticed the hooded/shaven-headed distinction between some of the Berbers and applied it as a rough-and-ready way to distinguish between the many.